میدان سے باہر، مگر کھیل کے اندر: پرشانت کشور کا نیا سیاسی محاذ - منصوبہ ساز کا داؤ: لڑے بغیر جنگ جیتنے کی تیاری؟

جمیل آحمد ملنسار - موبائل 9845498354

بہار جیسے شور انگیز اور غیر متوقع سیاسی تھیٹر میں، اسکرپٹ شاذ و نادر ہی متوقع پلاٹ پر چلتی ہے۔ تازہ ترین موڑ پرشانت کشور کی طرف سے آیا ہے، وہ ماسٹر اسٹریٹجسٹ جو دوسروں کے لیے برسوں تک فتوحات کا اہتمام کرنے کے بعد، خود اپنی سیاسی داستان کا مرکزی کردار بننے والے تھے۔ لیکن جیسے ہی ان کے انتخابی آغاز کا پردہ اٹھنے والا تھا، کشور نے اچانک اسٹیج چھوڑ دیا اور اعلان کیا کہ وہ آنے والے اسمبلی انتخابات میں حصہ نہیں لیں گے۔ یہ محض کردار کی تبدیلی نہیں ہے؛ یہ ایک ایسا اسٹریٹجک موڑ ہے جو ہمیں مجبور کرتا ہے کہ ہم ظاہری منظر سے آگے دیکھیں اور اس کھیل کی اصل نوعیت پر سوال اٹھائیں جس کی وہ ہدایت کاری کا ارادہ رکھتے ہیں۔

اصل موقف، جو کشور کے مخصوص اعتماد اور بے نیازی کے امتزاج کے ساتھ پیش کیا گیا، یہ ہے کہ پارٹی کی اجتماعی دانش غالب آ گئی۔ ان کا تَرْک ہے کہ ایک سیٹ پر انتخاب لڑنا ایک "بھٹکاؤ" ہوتا، ایک ایسی حکمتِ عملی کی غلطی جو انہیں ایک حلقے تک محدود کر دیتی جبکہ بہار کی بڑی جنگ جاری رہتی۔ پارٹی، 'جن سوراج'، نے فیصلہ کیا کہ اس کے بانی کی حیثیت ایک خندق میں لڑنے والے سپاہی کے بجائے پوری جنگ کی نگرانی کرنے والے کمانڈر کے طور پر زیادہ قیمتی ہے۔ یہ بیانیہ اس فیصلے کو ایک قربانی کے طور پر پیش کرتا ہے - ایک لیڈر جو اپنی اس نوزائیدہ سیاسی تحریک کی بھلائی کے لیے پیچھے ہٹ رہا ہے جسے اس نے دو سالہ طویل پدیاترا کے ذریعے بڑی محنت سے کھڑا کیا ہے۔ لیکن سیاست میں، خاص طور پر جب حکمت عملی ساز پرشانت کشور ہوں، تو بیان کردہ وجہ اکثر کہانی کا صرف آغاز ہوتی ہے۔

پسپائی کے پیچھے کی حکمتِ عملی

کشور کے فیصلے نے بنیادی طور پر ان کی پارٹی کی انتخابی حکمتِ عملی کو از سر نو ترتیب دیا ہے۔ پوسٹر پر صرف اک چہرہ بننے کے بجائے، وہ اب خود کو مہم کے واحد معمار کے طور پر پیش کر رہے ہیں، جو ریاست بھر میں سفر کرنے اور اپنے پیغام کو پھیلانے کے لیے آزاد ہیں۔ اس سے 'جن سوراج' کو انتخاب کو ایک شخصیت کے لیے ووٹ کے طور پر نہیں، بلکہ طرزِ حکمرانی کے ایک نئے ماڈل پر ریفرنڈم کے طور پر پیش کرنے کا موقع ملتا ہے۔ پارٹی نے جرات مندی سے اپنا ہدف 150 سیٹوں کا رکھا ہے، اور کشور نے عزم ظاہر کیا ہے کہ اس سے کم کچھ بھی عوام کا اعتماد جیتنے میں ناکامی کی علامت ہوگا۔ خود کو براہ راست مقابلے سے ہٹا کر، خاص طور پر راگھوپور میں تیجسوی یادو کے خلاف ایک ذات پات پر مبنی ہائی اسٹیک مقابلے سے بچ کر، کشور نے ایک ایسے جال سے خود کو بچا لیا ہے جو انہیں محدود کر سکتا تھا، جبکہ انہیں ایک وسیع تر، نظریاتی اپیل برقرار رکھنے کی اجازت دیتا ہے۔

مستقبل کے منصوبے: کِنگ میکر کا داؤ

تو، اس لیڈر کا مستقبل کیا ہے جو سامنے سے قیادت کرنے سے انکار کرتا ہے؟ کشور کا منصوبہ واضح ہے: اپنی تمام توانائی 'جن سوراج' کے لیے ایک فیصلہ کُن مینڈیٹ حاصل کرنے پر صرف کرنا۔ وہ کوئی شرط نہیں لگا رہے ہیں اور نہ ہی انتخابات کے بعد کسی اتحاد کی تلاش میں ہیں۔ ان کے عوامی اعلانات ایک دو ٹوک نتیجے کی نشاندہی کرتے ہیں: یا تو ایک زبردست فتح جو بہار میں ان کی پارٹی کو غالب قوت کے طور پر قائم کرے گی، یا پھر ایک معمولی موجودگی جو انہیں واپس منصوبہ بندی کی میز پر بھیج دے گی۔ انہوں نے وعدہ کیا ہے کہ اگر 'جن سوراج' کی حکومت بنی تو وہ ایک ماہ کے اندر ریاست کے 100 سب سے بدعنوان سیاستدانوں اور بیوروکریٹس پر مقدمہ چلائے گی، یہ ایک ایسا عوامی وعدہ ہے جس کا مقصد ووٹروں کی گہری مایوسی کو اپنی طرف متوجہ کرنا ہے۔ ان کا عزم بہار سے آگے تک پھیلا ہوا ہے؛ انہیں یقین ہے کہ یہاں ایک فتح قومی سیاست کا رُخ بدل دے گی اور پٹنہ کو سیاسی کشش کا نیا مرکز بنا دے گی۔

تجزیہ کاروں کی نظر: ماسٹر اسٹروک یا غلطی؟

سیاسی تجزیہ کار اس اقدام کی تشریح پر منقسم ہیں۔ کچھ اسے ایک شاطرانہ، سوچا سمجھا قدم سمجھتے ہیں۔ ذاتی مقابلے سے بچ کر، کشور خود کو حلقے کی سطح کی گندی سیاست سے اوپر اٹھاتے ہیں، اور ایک غیر جانبدار حکمت عملی ساز کے طور پر اپنی ساکھ کو محفوظ رکھتے ہیں۔ یہ نظریہ بتاتا ہے کہ وہ ایک ممکنہ ذاتی شکست سے بچ رہے ہیں جو ان کے سیاسی منصوبے کو شروع ہونے سے پہلے ہی مہلک طور پر زخمی کر سکتی تھی۔

تاہم، دوسرے اسے کمزوری کی علامت کے طور پر دیکھتے ہیں۔ ان کے ناقدین، خاص طور پر حریف RJD، BJP، اور JD(U) کے کیمپوں نے، انہیں ایک بزدل قرار دینے میں کوئی وقت ضائع نہیں کیا جو "میدانِ جنگ میں جانے سے پہلے ہی شکست تسلیم کر گیا"۔ ان کا تَرْک ہے کہ ایک سچا لیڈر سامنے سے قیادت کرتا ہے اور کشور کا انتخاب نہ لڑنے کا فیصلہ ان کی اپنی مقبولیت پر اعتماد کی کمی کو ظاہر کرتا ہے۔

عوام کا فیصلہ اور اتحادیوں کا ردِ عمل

جہاں 'جن سوراج' کے اندر کشور کے اتحادیوں نے عوامی طور پر اس فیصلے کو ایک اسٹریٹجک ضرورت کے طور پر حمایت دی ہے، وہیں بہار کے ووٹروں میں ردِ عمل زیادہ پیچیدہ ہے۔ ان کے سرشار حامیوں کے لیے، یہ اقدام ایک بے لوث رہنما کے طور پر ان کی شبیہ کو تقویت دیتا ہے جو ایک بڑے مقصد کے لیے پرعزم ہے۔ وہ اسے اس بات کا ثبوت سمجھتے ہیں کہ ان کی لڑائی ذاتی طاقت کے لیے نہیں، بلکہ نظامی تبدیلی کے لیے ہے۔ تاہم، غیر جانبدار ووٹروں کے لیے، یہ شک کے بیج بو سکتا ہے۔ ایک ایسی ریاست میں جہاں سیاسی قیادت شدید طور پر ذاتی ہوتی ہے، پوسٹر پر صرف اک سے مرکزی رہنما کی غیر موجودگی کو سنجیدگی کی کمی کے طور پر سمجھا جا سکتا ہے۔

پرشانت کشور نے پانسہ پھینک دیا ہے۔ انہوں نے ایک ذاتی انتخابی جنگ کی غیر یقینی شان کو کمانڈ سینٹر سے پوری ریاست کو فتح کرنے کے عظیم ہدف کے لیے قربان کر دیا ہے۔ انہوں نے کہانی کا ہیرو بننے کے بجائے اس کا مصنف بننے کا انتخاب کیا ہے۔ یہ فیصلہ ایک سیاسی بیسٹ سیلر کی طرف لے جائے گا یا ایک بھولی بسری داستان بن کر رہ جائے گا، اس کا فیصلہ آنے والے ہفتوں میں بہار کے عوام کریں گے۔

The Indian Madrasa at a Crossroads: A Millennium of Learning in a Modern Republic

Jameel Aahmed Milansaar

15th Oct 2025. 10:00 p.m

Sub-headline:
An analysis of the madrasa’s historical journey from cosmopolitan hub to colonial-era bastion, its contemporary social function, and the urgent need for an educational synthesis of tradition and modernity.

When we discuss the madrasa in India, we are engaging with the very soul of our intellectual heritage on the subcontinent, a legacy woven through a millennium of history, adaptation, and immense struggle. To understand its present, we must appreciate its past. The story begins almost with the advent of Muslim civilization in the region, with the first madrasas established by the 12th century. At their zenith during the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal eras, these were not one-dimensional seminaries, but the great universities of their time—cosmopolitan hubs of immense intellectual energy where logic, philosophy, mathematics, and medicine were studied with the same fervor as Qur'anic exegesis and jurisprudence. The chronicles speak of a thousand madrasas in Delhi alone under the Tughlaqs, a city whose very skyline was defined by the domes of scholarship. This was our heritage.

With the collapse of Mughal suzerainty and the catastrophe of colonialism, our institutions faced an existential crisis. It was in the crucible of this moment that our scholars, in acts of profound foresight, moved to preserve the core of our faith. In the North, this response famously culminated in the establishment of Darul Uloom Deoband in 1866. But a parallel and equally momentous development was unfolding in the South. As the fires of the 1857 rebellion raged across the North, Shah Abdul Wahhab founded the Baqiyat Salihat Arabic College in Vellore, Tamil Nadu. This institution, rightly earning the title Umm-ul-Madaris (Mother of Madrasas) in the South, became a spiritual and academic wellspring. Its graduates, known as Baqavis, would go on to establish hundreds of learning centers not only across South India but as far as Sri Lanka, Malaysia, and Indonesia, demonstrating the resilience and pan-Asian vision of our intellectual tradition. Both Deoband and Baqiyat Salihat championed the Dars-e-Nizami curriculum, becoming twin pillars in the project of preserving Islamic learning.

Today, this inherited landscape is one of profound and uncomfortable contrasts. India is home to an estimated 24,000 madrasas, but this number masks a deep heterogeneity. For every shining example of a resource-rich institution successfully integrating mainstream subjects, there are hundreds of small, independent madrasas in rural heartlands, struggling valiantly against the crushing weight of poverty and neglect. At the heart of our internal struggle lies the Dars-e-Nizami itself. Once lauded for its inclusion of rational sciences, it is now the axis of a great debate between esteemed scholars who argue, with justification, for preserving its rigor, and sincere reformists who call for the urgent integration of modern sciences to equip our children for the world they will inherit. This internal debate is complicated by external pressures, with governmental schemes oscillating between genuine aid and bureaucratic overreach, creating a climate of mistrust. The question that haunts us is how to achieve a balance between preservation and progress without compromising the theological integrity our forefathers fought to protect.

We must also acknowledge the sacred function our madrasas fulfill. They are, for vast segments of our community, the only gateway to education—a lifeline of literacy and moral training for the poorest of the poor. This is a tremendous service. However, we must confront the painful gap between aspiration and outcome. We have a sacred trust—an amanah—to these children. Are we truly fulfilling it if we give them knowledge of the deen but leave them unequipped to navigate the dunya? The issue is not merely pedagogical; it is political, touching upon the raw nerves of minority rights and cultural autonomy. The wisest of our institutions are responding not with reaction, but with proactive, organic reform on their own terms, forging partnerships with mainstream universities to create pathways for their students.

The historical and contemporary journey of the madrasa in India is thus one of creative negotiation. The challenge before our community, the state, and the wider nation remains to institutionalize reforms that foster critical thought, economic opportunity, and civic integration. This is not about erasing our past, but about being worthy of it. It is about rediscovering the spirit of our own golden age, where revelation and reason were two wings of the same bird. Bridging this gap is not an act of surrender, but the forging of an educational synthesis that is true to the genius of Indian Islam and beneficial for the future of our children in the reality of the republic.

ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ–ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದಂಗೆಗಳು: ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಬಳಿಕ ನಿಧಾನಗತಿಯ ನ್ಯಾಯ, ಕಠಿಣ ಪಾಠಗಳು

ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ–ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದಂಗೆಗಳು: ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಬಳಿಕ ನಿಧಾನಗತಿಯ ನ್ಯಾಯ, ಕಠಿಣ ಪಾಠಗಳು.

ಲೇಖನ: ಜಮೀಲ್ ಅಹ್ಮದ್ ಮಿಲಾನ್ಸಾರ್, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು

ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ದೀರ್ಘ ಮತ್ತು ಕಠಿಣ ಕಾನೂನು ಹೋರಾಟದ ನಂತರ, ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದಂಗೆ ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೊನೆಗೂ ಆಶಾದೀಪ ಹೊತ್ತಿದೆ. ಆರೋಪಿ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆ 24 ಕರೀಂ ಸದ್ದಾಂ ಮತ್ತು ಆರೋಪಿ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆ 6 ಜಿಯಾ–ಉರ್–ರಹ್ಮಾನ್ ಇವರಿಗೆ ಭಾರತದ ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯ ಇತ್ತೀಚಿಗೆ ಜಾಮೀನು ನೀಡಿರುವುದು ಅತ್ಯಂತ ಸ್ವಾಗತಾರ್ಹ ಬೆಳವಣಿಗೆ. ಯುಎಪಿಎ ಎಂಬ ಕಠೋರ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಯಡಿ ಜಾಮೀನು ಸಂಪಾದಿಸುವುದು ಬಹುತೇಕ ಅಸಾಧ್ಯವಾಗಿದ್ದ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ, ತನ್ನವರ ಬಿಡುಗಡೆಗಾಗಿ ವರ್ಷಗಳಿಂದ ಕಾತರದಿಂದ ಕಾಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳಿಗೆ ಈ ತೀರ್ಮಾನವು ನಿಜಕ್ಕೂ ಉಸಿರಾಟದ ವಿಶ್ರಾಂತಿ. ಆದರೂ, ಈ ಹಗುರದ ಕ್ಷಣವು ದುರಂತದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಪರಿಶೀಲನೆಗೂ ಆಹ್ವಾನ ನೀಡುತ್ತದೆ—ಹಿಂಸೆಯು ಏಕೆ ಸ್ಫೋಟಿಸಿತು, ನ್ಯಾಯವಿತರಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಏಕೆ ಅತಿಯಾದ ವಿಳಂಬವಾಯಿತು, ಮತ್ತು ಈ ಘಟನೆಯಿಂದ ನಾವು ಕಲಿಯಲೇಬೇಕಾದ ಪಾಠಗಳೇನು.

ಪ್ರಚೋದನೆಯಿಂದ ಹಿಂಸೆಯವರೆಗೆ

2020ರ ಆಗಸ್ಟ್ 11ರ ರಾತ್ರಿ, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ವ್ಯಾಪ್ತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದ ಘಟನೆ ಕೇವಲ ‘ದಂಗೆ’ ಮಾತ್ರವಲ್ಲ; ಅದು ದೀರ್ಘಕಾಲದಿಂದ ಕದ್ದಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಅಶಾಂತಿ, ಯೋಚಿಸಿಕೊಂಡ ಪ್ರಚೋದನೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಆಡಳಿತ ವೈಫಲ್ಯದ ಕಡು ಮುಖವನ್ನೇ ಬಯಲಿಗೆಳೆದಿತ್ತು. ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ಸಿನ ಶಾಸಕರಾದ ಅಖಂಡ ಶ್ರೀನಿವಾಸ ಮೂರ್ತಿ ಅವರ ಅಳಿಯನಿಂದ (ಅಭಿಯೋಗ ಪ್ರಕಾರ) ಪ್ರವಾದಿ ಮುಹಮ್ಮದ್‌ರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಮಾಧ್ಯಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಾಕಲ್ಪಟ್ಟ ಧರ್ಮನಿಂದನಕಾರಿ ಪೋಸ್ಟ್ ಈ ಘಟನೆಯ ಉರಿಮಣಿಯಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಅಪರಾಧಿಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ತಕ್ಷಣದ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂದು ಆಗ್ರಹಿಸಿ ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಠಾಣೆ ಎದುರು 25–30 ಜನರ ಶಾಂತ ಗುಂಪು ಕೂಡಿದ ಕ್ಷಣದಿಂದಲೇ ಪರಿಸ್ಥಿತಿ ನಿಯಂತ್ರಣ ತಪ್ಪಿತು. ಸಾವಿರಾರು ಮಂದಿ ಗುಂಪಾಗಿ ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಠಾಣೆಗಳ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಶಾಸಕರ ನಿವಾಸದ ಮೇಲೂ ದಾಳಿ ನಡೆಸಿ, ಕಲ್ಲೆಸೆತ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆಂಕಿಗಾಹುತಿಗೊಳಿಸುವ ಕೃತ್ಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ತೊಡಗಿದರು. ಪೊಲೀಸ್ ಇಲಾಖೆ ಕರಫ್ಯೂ ಜಾರಿ ಮಾಡಿ, ಅಂತಿಮವಾಗಿ ಗುಂಡು ಹಾರಿಸಬೇಕಾದ ಸ್ಥಿತಿ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣವಾಯಿತು; ಇದರ ಪರಿಣಾಮವಾಗಿ ಮೂವರು ಸಾವನ್ನಪ್ಪಿದರು, 50 ಕ್ಕೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಮಂದಿ ಗಾಯಗೊಂಡರು. ನಾಡಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಹೆಚ್ಚುತ್ತಿರುವ ಅಸಹಿಷ್ಣುತೆಯೂ, ಕಾನೂನನ್ನು ಜನರು ಕೈಗೆ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ಅಪಾಯಕಾರಿ ಪ್ರವೃತ್ತಿಯೂ ಈ ಘಟನೆಯ ಮೂಲಕ ಸ್ಪಷ್ಟವಾಗಿ ಗೋಚರಿಸಿತು.

ಬಂಧనలు, UAPA ಮತ್ತು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಂಗ ವಿಳಂಬ

ಘಟನೆಯ ನಂತರ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಪೊಲೀಸರು ದೊಡ್ಡ ಪ್ರಮಾಣದ ಬಂಧನಗಳನ್ನಾರಂಭಿಸಿ, ಒಟ್ಟು 199 ಜನರನ್ನು ಆರೋಪಿ ಪಟ್ಟಿಗೆ ಸೇರಿಸಿದರು. 2020ರ ಸೆಪ್ಟೆಂಬರ್ 21ರಂದು ಪ್ರಕರಣವನ್ನು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ತನಿಖಾ ಏಜೆನ್ಸಿ (ಎನ್‌ಐಎ)ಗೆ ಹಸ್ತಾಂತರಿಸಲಾಯಿತು; ಬಳಿಕ 138 ಮಂದಿಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಆರೋಪಪಟ್ಟಿ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. ಯುಎಪಿಎ (ಅನಧಿಕೃತ ಚಟುವಟಿಕೆಗಳು ತಡೆ ಕಾಯ್ದೆ) ವಿಧಿಸಲಾಗಿದ ಪರಿಣಾಮ ಪ್ರಕರಣದ ಸ್ವಭಾವವೇ ‘ದಂಗೆ’ಯಿಂದ ‘ಭಯೋತ್ಪಾದಕ ಕೃತ್ಯ’ದ ವರ್ಗಕ್ಕೆ ಎತ್ತಲ್ಪಟ್ಟಂತಾಯಿತು. ಯುಎಪಿಎ ಅಡಿಯಲ್ಲಿ, ಅಭಿಯೋಗದ ಪ್ರಕರಣ ‘ಮೊದಲ ನೋಟಕ್ಕೆ’ ಸತ್ಯವೆಂದು ತೋರಿ ಬರುವಂತಿದ್ದರೆ ಜಾಮೀನು ನಿರಾಕರಿಸಬಹುದೆಂಬ ನಿಯಮದಿಂದಾಗಿ, ಬಹುತೇಕ ಆರೋಪಿ ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಕಾಲ ಜೈಲಿನಲ್ಲೇ ಕಾಯ್ದಿರಿಸಲ್ಪಟ್ಟರು. 2025ರ ಮೇನಲ್ಲಿ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಹೈಕೋರ್ಟ್ 14 ಮಂದಿ ಆರೋಪಿಗಳ ಯುಎಪಿಎ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಯ ವಿಧಿಗಳನ್ನು ರದ್ದುಪಡಿಸುವ ಮನವಿಯನ್ನು ತಿರಸ್ಕರಿಸಿತು; ‘ಅದು ಅತಿದುರ್ಲಭ ಪ್ರಕರಣವಲ್ಲ’ವೆಂದು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯ ಹೇಳಿದ ಈ ತೀರ್ಮಾನ ಎನ್‌ಐಎ ನಿಲುವಿಗೆ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಂಗದ ಗೌರವವನ್ನು ಸೂಚಿಸಿದರೂ, ಆರೋಪಿ ನಾಗರಿಕರ ಮೂಲಭೂತ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳೂ, ‘ಸಮಯೋಚಿತ ನ್ಯಾಯ’ ಎಂಬ ತತ್ತ್ವವೂ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗೆ ಒಳಗಾಗುವ ಸ್ಥಿತಿ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣವಾಯಿತು.

ತೀರ್ಪುಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಆಶೆಯ ಕಿರಣ

2025ರ ಜುಲೈನಲ್ಲಿ, ಸುನಿಶ್ಚಿತ ತೀರ್ಪಿನ ದಿಕ್ಕಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಮೊದಲ ಹೆಜ್ಜೆಯಾಗಿ ಮೂವರು ಆರೋಪಿ—ಸಯೀದ್ ಇಕ್ರಮುದ್ದೀನ್, ಸಯೀದ್ ಅತಿಫ್ ಮತ್ತು ಮೊಹಮ್ಮದ್ ಅತಿಫ್—ಎನ್‌ಐಎ ವಿಶೇಷ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ಮುಂದೆ ತಪ್ಪೊಪ್ಪಿಕೊಂಡರು. ಅವರಿಗೆ ತಲಾ ಏಳು ವರ್ಷದ ಕಠಿಣ ಕಾರಾಗೃಹ ಶಿಕ್ಷೆಯ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ₹36,000 ದಂಡ ವಿಧಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. 2020ರ ಆಗಸ್ಟ್‌ನಿಂದ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಂಗ ಬಂಧನದಲ್ಲಿ ಕಳೆದ ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳನ್ನು ಶಿಕ್ಷೆ ಎದುರಿಗೆ ‘ಸರಿಹೊಂದಿಸಿದ’ ಕಾರಣ, ಇನ್ನೂ ಎರಡು ವರ್ಷ ಶಿಕ್ಷೆ ಅನುಭವಿಸಬೇಕಾಗಿದೆ. ಇದಕ್ಕಿಂತಲೂ ಮಹತ್ವದ್ದಾಗಿ, 2025ರ ಅಕ್ಟೋಬರ್ 7ರಂದು ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯ ಇಬ್ಬರು ಆರೋಪಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಜಾಮೀನು ನೀಡಿದ ತೀರ್ಮಾನ ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರ್ಣಾಯಕ ಮುರಿದೊಡೆತದಂತೆ ಕಾರ್ಯನಿರ್ವಹಿಸಿ, ಉಳಿದ ವಿಚಾರಣಾಧೀನ ಕೈದಿಗಳ ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಮರುಆಶೆಯ ಅಲೆ ಎಬ್ಬಿಸಿದೆ.

ಪಾಠಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಮುಂದಿನ ದಾರಿ

ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದುರಂತವು ಭವಿಷ್ಯಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಹಲವು ಕಠಿಣ ಪಾಠಗಳನ್ನು ನೀಡುತ್ತದೆ. ಮೊದಲನೆಯದಾಗಿ, ತಿರಸ್ಕಾರಕಾರಿ ಅಥವಾ ಪ್ರಚೋದಕ ವಿಷಯಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ತಕ್ಷಣದ ಮತ್ತು ಕಠಿಣ ಕಾನೂನು ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುವುದು ಅತ್ಯಗತ್ಯ, ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಅದರಿಂದ ಸ್ವಯಂನ್ಯಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಯಾವುದೇ ನೆಪವೇ ದೊರೆಯಬಾರದು. ಎರಡನೆಯದಾಗಿ, ಪೋಲಿಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಆಡಳಿತ ಯಂತ್ರಗಳು ಸಂವೇದನಾಶೀಲ ಪರಿಸ್ಥಿತಿಗಳನ್ನು ಸಮರ್ಥವಾಗಿ ನಿಭಾಯಿಸಿ, ಪ್ರಾಣಾಪಾಯ ಉಂಟಾಗದ ವಿಧಾನಗಳಿಂದ ಜನಸಮೂಹವನ್ನು ಚದುರಿಸುವ ತರಬೇತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಸಂಪನ್ಮೂಲಗಳಿಂದ ಸಜ್ಜಾಗಬೇಕು. ಮೂರನೆಯದಾಗಿ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳು ಇಂತಹ ಘಟನೆಗಳನ್ನು ರಾಜಕೀಯಗೊಳಿಸುವುದನ್ನು ಬಿಟ್ಟು, ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದವನ್ನು ಬೆಳೆಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ರಚನಾತ್ಮಕ ಪಾತ್ರವಹಿಸಬೇಕು. ಕೊನೆಗೆ, ನ್ಯಾಯವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಇನ್ನಷ್ಟು ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ಷಮವಾಗಿಯೂ ಪಾರದರ್ಶಕವಾಗಿಯೂ ರೂಪಾಂತರಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕಿದೆ, ಆಗಲೇ ‘ಸಮಯೋಚಿತ ನ್ಯಾಯ’ ಖಚಿತವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿಯ ಘಟನೆ ನಮ್ಮಿಗೆ ನೀಡಿರುವ ಗಂಭೀರ ಎಚ್ಚರಿಕೆ ಸ್ಪಷ್ಟ: ಸಮಾಜ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಮತ್ತು ಆಡಳಿತ ಎಂಬ ಮೂರು ವಲಯಗಳ ಪ್ರತಿಕ್ರಿಯೆಗಳನ್ನು ನಾವು ಸಮಗ್ರವಾಗಿ ಮರುಪರಿಶೀಲಿಸದಿದ್ದರೆ, ಇಂತಹ ವಿನಾಶಕಾರಿ ಘಟನೆಗಳು ಮರುಕಳಿಸುವ ಸಂಭವ ತಪ್ಪದು.

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Jameel Aahmed

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Asst General Secretary - ALL INDIA MILLI COUNCIL-Karnataka

Gen Assembly Member - Institute of Objective Studies

STANDARD PRINT MART

Bangalore - Karnataka

INDIA

98454 98354

Omani Ambitions and Maritime Empire: Prof. Seema Alavi’s Insightful Lecture at Bangalore International Centre.

Jameel Aahmed Milansaar
Bangalore
Email: sharejameel@gmail.com - Mobile: 9845498354

On Sunday evening, October 12, 2025, Bangalore basked in the charm of a gentle autumn breeze, with the air carrying a faint scent of rain from the previous night. The sky glowed in shades of amber and rose as twilight descended over the city, lending a perfect poetic calm to the evening. It was under this serene backdrop, at the Bangalore International Centre, that I had the privilege of attending the 7th Prof. Satish Chandra Memorial Lecture, delivered by the distinguished historian Prof. Seema Alavi, one of India’s foremost scholars of early modern and modern Islamic history. Currently a professor at Ashoka University, Prof. Alavi is known for her pioneering research on the military, intellectual, and transnational histories of the Muslim world, and for her ability to weave interconnected narratives across the Indian Ocean, Central Asia, and the Middle East.

Satish Chandra (20 November 1922 – 13 October 2017) was an eminent Indian historian whose main area of specialization was medieval Indian history. Through his prolific scholarship and engaging narrative style, he became a towering figure in the study of India’s past, inspiring generations of students and researchers. The presence of Alok Chandra, the elder son of Prof. Satish Chandra, added a special resonance to the evening. He graciously introduced Prof. Seema Alavi and offered a brief overview of the Memorial Lectures, underscoring their purpose in carrying forward the intellectual and humanistic legacy of his father.



On a personal note, it was a moment of immense joy for me to be part of this lecture. Dr. Seema Alavi is the daughter of Shariq Alavi, the eminent editor of the Lucknow-based Nadwatul Ulama magazine, “The Fragrance of East.” I have been reading Shariq Alavi’s writings for a long time and have deeply admired his distinctive literary style and intellectual depth. Knowing that the evening’s speaker shared that lineage of thought and expression made the event even more meaningful to me. I must also thank my daughter, Aaliya Jameel, who insisted that we attend this event despite the fear of rain that had nearly convinced me to stay at home. Her gentle persuasion made this memorable evening possible.

Prof. Alavi’s lecture, based on her acclaimed work Sovereigns of the Sea: Omani Ambition in the Age of Empire, was a masterful exploration of Omani maritime power and its intersections with empire, faith, and trade in the 19th century. She began with a deeply personal note, recalling her student days and how Prof. Satish Chandra’s scholarship and narrative brilliance profoundly shaped her intellectual journey. His influence was so inspiring that she decided to dedicate her life to history, abandoning her earlier dream of joining the Indian Administrative Service.

The lecture unfolded as a richly layered narrative of Omani maritime expansion. Beginning with Sultan Sayyid Saeed (Reign 1804 to 1856), Prof. Alavi traced the trajectory of Oman’s influence across the Indian Ocean and then carried the audience into the illustrious era of Sultan Sayyid Barghash of Zanzibar (Reign 1870–1888).

Sultan Barghash, she explained, viewed the printing industry not merely as a bureaucratic tool but as a means of articulating progress and prestige. Under his reign, the printing press became a symbol of intellectual vitality, complementing his ambitious efforts to expand the shipping industry. Prof. Alavi emphasized how these enterprises were central to Barghash’s vision of projecting Zanzibar as a modern and sovereign state.

Yet, she reminded the audience that this period was marked by deep paradoxes. Prof. Alavi spoke poignantly about the European hypocrisy surrounding the abolition of slavery. While European powers proclaimed moral opposition to slavery, their economies continued to thrive on the exploitation of enslaved labor in colonies. Zanzibar, as a crucial Indian Ocean hub, found itself caught in this contradiction.

During Sultan Barghash’s reign, slavery persisted, particularly in agriculture. The agricultural slaves toiled on vast clove and date plantations, which formed the backbone of Zanzibar’s wealth. Prof. Alavi carefully explained how Sultan Barghash attempted gradual reforms within this system—seeking to balance humanitarian pressures from British abolitionists with the social and economic realities of his dominion.

Prof. Alavi also devoted insightful attention to the Islamic perspective on slave emancipation. She noted that the Qur’anic injunctions encouraging the freeing of slaves, coupled with traditions of manumission, were given renewed emphasis during Sultan Barghash’s reign. While slavery remained entrenched in economic life, she explained, shifts in religious discourse and moral interpretation—partly influenced by broader Muslim debates of the period—led to a slow but perceptible change in attitudes. Under Barghash, public acknowledgement of emancipation’s spiritual merit became stronger, opening the way for policies that subtly encouraged liberation within the limits of political and economic feasibility.

Another compelling section of the lecture described Sultan Barghash’s extensive travels—from Birmingham and Cairo to Damascus, British colonial Bombay, and Mecca—and how his exposure to these regions shaped his leadership outlook. These journeys, Prof. Alavi noted, allowed him to engage with global modernity while uniting Muslim rulers in response to expanding British influence.

It was fascinating to hear how the Sultan was so captivated by the urban design of Bombay that aspects of Zanzibar’s capital were modeled after it. Influences from Gujarat and Kutch also inspired the conception of Dar es Salaam. Among his most celebrated achievements was the establishment of Beit al-Ajaib, or “The House of Wonders”—a grand architectural statement of cultural pride and maritime authority.

Prof. Alavi beautifully concluded that the 19th-century Indian Ocean world was far from peripheral—it was a vibrant arena where Asian Arabs rubbed shoulders with Western powers, shaping diplomacy, commerce, and imperial imagination. She briefly evoked the story of Abdulrazak Gurnah, the Nobel laureate and author of Paradise, who fled Oman in the 1960s as a refugee during the Zanzibar Revolution and resettled in Britain, symbolizing the enduring human movements shaped by empire.

The evening concluded with a stimulating Q&A session, where questions flowed passionately across themes of empire, slavery, and maritime identity. By the end, it was difficult to decide which held the greater brilliance—the eloquence of the lecture itself or the spirited intellectual exchange that followed.

Prof. Alavi’s lecture was more than a historical recitation; it was a journey across oceans and centuries—a reminder that the sea remains both witness and catalyst to the enduring entanglement of power, faith, trade, and memory. In tracing the wake of Omani dhows and steamship ambition—from Muscat to Zanzibar, from Bombay to Dar es Salaam—she showed how ports and print, pilgrimage and policy, together imagined sovereignty, negotiated moral tempests, and scripted modernity on the water’s edge. As the hall fell to a thoughtful hush, one felt not merely instructed but entrusted: to read the Indian Ocean as a living archive and to recognize, in its ceaseless tides, the human will to connect, contend, and create.

The Great Indian Festival of Clicking ‘Buy Now’

Let me tell you something about India. We are a country of festivals. Seriously, just look at the calendar. If it’s not Diwali, it’s Eid. If it’s not Eid, it’s Christmas. After that, there’s New Year, then Holi, then some other state festival, a harvest festival, or maybe just a long weekend that feels like a festival. We love to celebrate. It’s in our DNA. Festivals mean family, food, fun, and, of course, shopping.

But in the last few years, a new kind of festival has popped up. This one doesn't have a fixed date in the calendar. It happens whenever a company with a multi-billion dollar valuation decides it should. I’m talking about the Great Indian Online Sale. You know the ones—The Big Billion Days, The Great Indian Festival. Suddenly, our phones start buzzing with notifications promising 80% off, lightning deals, and 'offers you can't refuse'. These e-commerce giants have become the new festival planners, and they are targeting us, the great Indian middle class, with military precision.

The most amazing thing about this online shopping mela is the unity it creates. In a country where we can argue about religion, politics, and which cricketer is the GOAT, online sales bring everyone together. A Hindu guy from Delhi, a Muslim girl from Bangalore, and a Christian family in Kerala are all chasing the same deal on that new Samsung phone. Nobody cares about your faith when there’s a 70% discount on shoes. In the virtual aisles of Amazon and Flipkart, we are all just one thing: bargain hunters. It’s a beautiful picture of national integration, brought to you by capitalism. We are all united, scrolling with our thumbs, adding to cart, and hoping our PIN code is serviceable.

But hold on a minute. Before you get all patriotic about our shared love for discounts, let’s ask a simple question. Are these sales really our friends? These companies aren’t your friendly neighbourhood uncle giving you a Diwali gift. They are massive, data-crunching machines designed to do one thing: make you spend your money. Their job is to make you buy things you don’t need, with money you might not have.

They create a sense of urgency, a FOMO—Fear Of Missing Out. “Only 2 left in stock!” “Offer ends in 10 minutes!” Your heart beats faster. You feel like you have to buy it now or you’ll regret it forever. You buy a fancy coffee machine, even though you only drink instant coffee. You buy a third pair of headphones, just because it was a 'steal deal'. You think you are saving money, but you are actually just spending it. It's a psychological trick, and we are all falling for it.

So, what should we do? Boycott online sales? Live like a hermit? No, that’s not practical. The key is to be a smart shopper, not an emotional one. We need to learn to control our impulses and protect our hard-earned money.
How to Survive the Sale Season

Here are a few simple rules to follow to keep your bank balance healthy.

Make a List: Before the sale even begins, make a list of things you genuinely need. A new pressure cooker? A book for your exam? Fine. Stick to the list. Don't go 'window shopping' aimlessly. That's a trap.


The 24-Hour Rule: See an amazing deal on something not on your list? Add it to your cart, and then close the app. Wait for 24 hours. After a day, the urgency will fade, and you can decide with a clear head if you really need it. 9 out of 10 times, you won’t.


Be a Detective: Is that 70% discount real? Often, sellers inflate the original price to make the discount look massive. Use price comparison websites to check the item's price history. Don't be fooled by big red percentage signs.


Check the Fine Print: A phone might seem cheap, but what about the no-cost EMI? Is it truly no-cost, or are there hidden processing fees? What about the delivery charges? That cheap T-shirt isn't so cheap if you have to pay ₹100 for shipping.

Value Your Money: Finally, remember how hard you work for your money. Is that shiny new gadget worth the stress of another EMI payment? Is buying another dress more important than saving for a family vacation or your child's education? Don't let a clever marketing campaign decide your financial priorities.

So, next time the online festival begins, enjoy it. Browse the deals, see what’s new. But do it with your brain, not just your credit card. Be a conscious Indian consumer. Let’s show the world that we are not just united in our shopping, but also in our smarts

 #Namaz #Islam #Allah #Muslim #Quran #Prayer #IslamicQuotes #Dua #IslamicReminders #Salah #Deen #AllahuAkbar #JummahMubarak #PrayOnTime #SalahFirst #DailyPrayer #Sajdah #Fajr #Dhuhr #Asr #Maghrib #Isha #Muslimah #SpiritualJourney

Bihar 2025 - The Right to Vote, but Not to Question? The Bihar Election Circus: Dates Announced, Questions Buried.

The bugle for the Bihar election circus has been sounded, but what about the results of the grand 'SIR' exercise that was meant to precede it? As officials in Delhi deliver jargon-filled speeches and dodge questions about infiltrators, the real concerns of Bihar's people—floods, jobs, and schools—are once again ignored. This article delves into the special hypocrisy of an election where the voter is worthy enough to vote, but not worthy enough to receive a straight answer.

Read on.....

So, there you have it—the bugle for the Bihar election circus has been sounded. Our Chief Election Commissioner, with his stiff collar and imposing style, held a grand court in Delhi to announce the dates. You know the scene: flashing cameras, journalists nodding at every word, and an officer, intoxicated with his own power, bestowing the "gift" of an election schedule upon the nation.

Before getting to the main point, the election dates for Bihar, he delivered a long, rambling, and incoherent speech on something called SIR. I have no idea what it means, and I can bet that the millions of people in Bihar whose fate is supposedly tied to it don't know either. It was surely a masterpiece of bureaucratic jargon, the kind that puts you to sleep. He must have been very pleased with himself for having made such a fine display of his machinery's power.

But the real fun began when a "stubborn" journalist asked a simple question: "Sir, what happened to the infiltrators?" This question fell like a stone into the calm pond of official rhetoric. After all, wasn't this entire grand and expensive SIR exercise meant to remove them? Suddenly, the verbose Commissioner fell silent. The flowing spring of rhetoric dried up. He dodged the question like an expert politician avoiding someone asking to repay a loan. And word is that the same drama was repeated in Patna.

One is forced to ask, what is the point of such a massive audit if you don't intend to reveal its results? It is like a doctor, after performing an expensive surgery, refusing to tell the anxious family whether the patient is alive or dead. This is a first-rate joke and an insult to people's intelligence.

And what about the poor Bihari voter? He is more worried about the next flood, a ruined crop, whether his son will find work in Surat or Mumbai, or if the village school will ever get a decent teacher. But the people sitting in the air-conditioned offices of Delhi and Patna want him to worry about "infiltrators." You see, an enemy always comes in handy. It distracts people from their empty stomachs and empty pockets. The voter is handed a date to cast his vote. He is considered worthy enough to vote, but not worthy enough to receive a straight answer to a straight question.

This whole affair reeks of the special hypocrisy that has seeped into the very veins of our politics. The election will come and go. People will vote based on old loyalties to caste and religion, or perhaps on the price of onions and oil. A government will be formed, new ministers will take their oaths, and garlands will be exchanged. And that question about infiltrators, which was the reason for this whole drama, will be conveniently buried under a pile of hollow slogans and even fresher lies.

So, let the show begin. I will watch it from my armchair while reading the morning newspaper, observing this grand drama. The speeches will be loud, the promises will be grand, and the outcome will be as predictable as the monsoon rains. If anything truly changes, it will only be the faces on the posters, while the people's questions are left to gather dust. With malice toward all.

***

DJ Halli - KG Halli Riots, Five Years On: A Long Wait for Justice and a Reckoning with UAPA

By Jameel Ahmed Milansaar, Bangalore

Five years after one of Bengaluru’s most disturbing episodes of communal violence, a faint glimmer of justice has finally emerged. The Supreme Court of India recently granted bail to two accused — Kareem Saddam (Accused No. 24) and Ziaur Rahman (Accused No. 6) — in the DJ Halli and KG Halli riot cases. For families who have spent years waiting for some sign of relief under the shadow of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), this decision is nothing short of a breath of fresh air. It is also a moment that compels us to pause and reflect on what happened that night, why justice took so long, and what the entire episode reveals about the fault lines in our law and society.

From Provocation to Violence

On the night of 11 August 2020, the twin localities of DJ Halli and KG Halli in Bengaluru witnessed an eruption that was more than just a riot — it was an explosion born of deep social tension, administrative failure, and reckless provocation. It began with a Facebook post by the nephew of Congress MLA Akhanda Srinivas Murthy, which insulted the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). What started as a small, angry gathering of around 25 people demanding action against the offender quickly spiraled into chaos.

Within hours, thousands had gathered outside the DJ Halli and KG Halli police stations and the MLA’s residence. Stones were hurled, vehicles torched, and buildings burnt. The police, overwhelmed and unprepared, opened fire to disperse the crowd. Three people died and over 50 were injured. Beyond the smoke and shattered glass, the violence held up a terrifying mirror to our society — one increasingly quick to outrage, slow to reason, and disturbingly willing to bypass the rule of law.

Arrests, UAPA, and the Machinery of Delay

In the immediate aftermath, Bengaluru Police launched a massive crackdown. Nearly 199 individuals were arrested; 138 were eventually charge-sheeted. By September 2020, the investigation was handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), which invoked the draconian provisions of the UAPA — transforming what was essentially a riot case into one of alleged terrorism.

The consequences were devastating. Under UAPA, bail is nearly impossible unless the court can prove that the accusations are patently false — a near-insurmountable condition. Many of the arrested men spent years behind bars without trial. In May 2025, when fourteen accused approached the Karnataka High Court seeking discharge from UAPA provisions, their plea was rejected on grounds that this was not one of the “rarest of rare” cases for bail interference. The court pointed out that much of the delay was caused by the accused themselves through repeated litigation tactics, denying them the relief of bail despite their long pre-trial incarceration. This reveals how our justice system, when dealing with extraordinary laws like UAPA, often struggles to balance speedy justice with legal caution.

Broader Context: UAPA Misuse and Judicial Trends

The recent legal developments in the DJ Halli-KG Halli riots case, including the Supreme Court granting bail to two accused after five years of detention under the stringent UAPA, fit into a broader pattern of misuse and criticism of the UAPA in India. The law, originally intended to tackle terrorism and unlawful activities, has often been invoked in riot and political cases, resulting in prolonged pre-trial detention and severe restrictions on bail.

The Supreme Court of India has maintained a tough stance on bail under UAPA, granting it only under exceptional circumstances, typically when there is significant delay in trial or lack of strong prima facie evidence. For instance, in a similar 2025 case, the Punjab and Haryana High Court granted bail to an accused after noting that despite years in custody, trial progress was negligible and evidence weak. The courts recognize that while UAPA provisions allow denial of bail if the allegations appear prima facie true, prolonged incarceration without trial violates constitutional rights to liberty.

The Supreme Court decisions reflect a jurisprudential tension: on one hand, UAPA cases require a high threshold for bail due to the serious nature of the offenses; on the other, excessive delays in court proceedings and weak linkage evidence necessitate relief for accused persons. This has led to evolving guidelines reiterating the necessity of balancing state security interests with the protection of individual liberties.

Moreover, the use of UAPA in riot cases like DJ Halli-KG Halli illustrates how anti-terror laws are extended into scenarios of communal violence, often resulting in political and social controversies about fairness and misuse. Critics argue this broad application undermines fair judicial process, as most UAPA arrests end in long detentions without eventual conviction, increasing societal fissures and distrust in law enforcement.

In sum, the DJ Halli-KG Halli case’s slow justice and recent bail grant highlight systemic issues around UAPA’s enforcement: stringent bail conditions, slow legal proceedings, and the constitutional requirement for timely justice. This case serves as a crucial reminder of the need for judicial vigilance ensuring that laws designed to protect the state do not disproportionately trample on individual rights, particularly in sensitive communal contexts.

Convictions, Admissions of Guilt, and Societal Impact

In July 2025, the NIA special court sentenced three accused to rigorous imprisonment for seven years after they pleaded guilty to charges related to rioting, arson, and conspiracy under UAPA and the IPC. These convictions were hailed as a vindication of the law enforcement agencies’ efforts, particularly since the violence was found to be orchestrated by banned outfits such as the Popular Front of India (PFI) and its political wing, the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI). The court noted that the riots coincided with a religious festival and were a deliberate act aimed at communal disruption and attacking the state machinery by targeting police stations and public order. The central government’s ban on the PFI in 2022 was reinforced by these findings, as public confidence in the police and state authority was shaken by the attacks.

Lessons and the Road Ahead

The DJ Halli-KG Halli incident stands as both a tragedy and a warning. It tells us that:

Every act of hate or provocation on social media must be met with swift, lawful action to prevent escalation.

Police forces need better training, preparedness, and community engagement to handle volatile situations without recourse to excessive force.

Political parties must resist exploiting communal tensions for electoral gains, focusing instead on social harmony.

Our judicial system requires reforms to ensure speedy and transparent trials, particularly in cases involving sensitive communal elements and stringent laws like the UAPA.

The riots did not occur in a vacuum; they resulted from a dangerous mix of social discord, administrative failure, and legal complexity. Justice delayed has been justice denied for many; thus, it is imperative to balance security with liberty to prevent such fissures from widening in the future.

 

The Karur Stampede That Shook Tamil Nadu’s Heart-The Deadly Delay That Turned a Rally into Ruin

They came with hopes on their sleeves and the names of their favourite leader on their lips. It was September 27, 2025—a day that should have been marked by the rising voices of democracy, a collective celebration of participation and belief, not by the wails echoing over the silent stretch of Velusamypuram on the Karur highway. Instead, this ancient road, once a conduit of connection, became a wound etched deep into the collective soul of Tamil Nadu. Forty-one lives were mercilessly extinguished under the weight of a failing crowd, and with their passing, the dreams and futures of countless families were trampled beneath the panicked feet of many.

There is a peculiar kind of agony that only waiting can cultivate. On that fateful day, more than 40,000 supporters—mothers carrying their children close, elders standing with hope battered by fatigue, youthful hands clutching tightly to banners—pressed into an ever-tightening embrace. They had waited for seven long hours. Seven agonizing hours for a glimpse, a wave, a word from actor-turned-leader Vijay. With every passing minute, anticipation twisted tighter like a rope until suddenly, mercilessly, it snapped. Panic spread like wildfire—the lights went dark, the barriers faltered, thudding hearts collided with the harsh reality of breathless struggle for space and air.

What transpired in that moment was more than a crowd reacting; it was hope crushed, trust broken, peace violently shattered. The forsaken slippers abandoned amidst the chaos, a child’s desperate cry swallowed by pandemonium, a father lost to the consuming shadows—these sorrowful scenes cannot be measured, counted, or adequately portrayed in court records. They pulse through the every corner of Velusamypuram, alive in the empty spaces left behind.

I have spent years studying and advising on the patterns of crowd disasters—from holy pilgrimages filled with faith to charged political rallies thrumming with energy. Each event imparts a crucial lesson: human emotion, crowd density, and the infrastructure designed to hold them must harmonize in delicate balance. When this balance is disturbed or ignored, disaster is inevitable. Each lost life in that failure is not merely a number but an indelible scar, a narrative of pain and absence far more grief-stricken than data can ever convey.

When I spoke to an expert in this field—who requested anonymity given the sensitivity and ongoing investigation—the weight of his insights was heavy with truth. “Crowd size alone does not determine chaos," he said. "It's the flow, the mood, the exact moment when hopeful anticipation curdles into desperate panic." He explained that years of observation across tragedies—from the sacred churnings of the Kumbh Mela to fervent political roadshows—have shown a heartbreaking pattern: warnings cast aside, safety protocols sacrificed on the altar of spectacle, exits rendered inaccessible under the crushing force of bodies. "At Velusamypuram, all these grim lessons played out in ruthless repetition." His voice softened, the human cost clear in every syllable: “What haunts survivors is not the noise, but the harrowing silence—trying to breathe and hearing only the roar of panic. Organizers must realize: a crowd is never just a mass of people. It’s a weave of fragile lives linked by faith in leadership. Break that faith, and you undo the crowd itself.”

As the shock rippled across Tamil Nadu, grief unearthed fury, demanding not mere condolences but reckoning. The Madras High Court convened with urgency, laying bare its disapproval of TVK chief Vijay and his party’s conduct. It denounced their recklessness, their vanishing at the very moment their supporters were engulfed by tragedy, and their abject failure to show remorse or assume accountability. The court’s scrutiny was fierce and unyielding. It mandated the formation of a Special Investigation Team under IG Asra Garg, a body vested with sweeping authority to dissect every facet of the calamity with full cooperation from the Karur police. Political gatherings along highways were halted—an immediate moratorium until comprehensive Standard Operating Procedures were devised to safeguard future masses.

Vehicles of the campaign were seized, surveillance footage demanded, every scrap of documentary evidence summoned. Pleas for bail from key TVK leaders were rebuffed, holding them to the gravest charges: culpable homicide and endangering life. The court did not mince words in its condemnation of the party’s abandonment of its followers amid crisis. The judge’s voice crackled with the anguish of an entire state, “To stand witness to these deaths is a cruelty beyond bearing. What kind of leadership flees when its people cry out? Where is the responsibility that should bind them?”

The court dismissed calls to divert the inquiry from the SIT, demanding the barest fragments of truth—even the confessions of regret and the minutiae of communication—to be laid bare and scrutinized.

Beneath the weight of legal procedures and investigations, the stretch of highway in Velusamypuram remains haunted—not by ghosts, but by memories sharper than any apparition. The failure was not solely that of imperfect policing or errant organizers; it was a failure etched in the anguished tears of parents, the trembling hands of children left behind. The raw wound of loss pulses with every silent heartbeat that remembers those harrowing moments.

To those who lived through that dark night, the terror still echoes within their chests. For those who did not survive, no apology, no legal decree can heal the void carved in silent homes. This calamity must not be dismissed as just another headline or statistic to fade into forgotten folklore. Future assemblies across Tamil Nadu must carry in their hearts the quiet sobs of Velusamypuram and carry forth a solemn vow: that the true measure of leadership is the safety and dignity it ensures its people.

Justice, incomplete without this recognition, demands more than words. It calls for a collective vigil where every step along every road embraces the promise of safety, memory, and peace. The Madras High Court’s directives mark merely the opening chapter. The true verdict lies in our shared commitment to guard each other from sorrow wrought by neglect and indifference, so that hearts may heal, and futures may be brightened again.

To grasp this tragedy fully, one must peer beyond the facts and figures. It is a story of lives intertwined in trust and hope, abruptly and brutally torn apart. As an evocative cartoon portrays, a young Tamil politician clad in a white shirt stands on the roof of a caravan—evocative of Actor Vijay’s rally vehicles—mic in hand, surrounded by a frantic crowd pressing in on the Karur highway. It captures the fraught tension, the panic, and the despair that gripped Velusamypuram on that devastating evening. The canvas of human anguish speaks louder than any newsprint can hold.

This is not merely an incident from the past but a pulsating call to conscience and reform—a stark reminder etched into the landscape of Tamil Nadu, urging us all to never forget the cost of complacency when so many lives hang in the balance.

تمل ناڈو کرور کا وہ ماتم، جو کبھی مدھم نہیں ہوگا - اکتالیس زندگیاں، ان گنت آنسو کی داستاں -جمیل احمد ملنسار۔

تمل ناڈو کرور  کا وہ ماتم، جو کبھی مدھم نہیں ہوگا - اکتالیس زندگیاں، ان گنت آنسو کی داستاں -

جمیل احمد ملنسار۔

بنگلور 

اسسٹنٹ جنرل سکرٹری،

ال انڈیا ملّی کونسل کرناٹک ۔

وہ دن جب تمل ناڈو کی جمہوریت کی روشنییں بجھ گئیں اور کرور ویلو سوامی پورم کا بوسیدہ  ہائی وے ایک قبرستان میں بدل گیا،  یہ محض ایک مزید سیاسی سانحہ نہیں بلکہ ایک ایسا المیہ ہے جو ہمیں انسانی نگاہ سے دیکھنے اور انصاف کے اصل معنی سمجھنے پر مجبور کرتا ہے۔ اس دردناک حادثے نے نہ صرف اکتالیس چھین لیں بلکہ ہمارے سماجی ضمیر پر ایک ایسی چوٹ لگائی ہے جو برسوں تک نہ بھلائی جا سکتی ہے۔ اسی لئے یہ کالم ایک انسانی داستان کے ساتھ ساتھ قیادت کی ذمہ داری کا ایک دستاویزی کتابچہ بھی ہے۔ کلیدی نکتہ یہی ہے کہ ہر ہجوم ایک داستان سناتا ہے، ہر زندگی ایک وعدہ، اور ہر کھویا ہوا جان ایک سبق۔ اب وقت ہے کہ ہم ان سبقوں کو سنیں اور ان پر عمل کریں تاکہ انسانیت کی عزت اور سلامتی کی حفاظت ممکن ہو سکے۔وہ لوگ اپنے خوابوں کو سینوں کے ساتھ لے کر آئے تھے اور اپنے پسندیدہ رہنما کے نام کو زبان پر سجائے ہوئے۔

 یہ 27 ستمبر 2025 کا دن تھا — ایک ایسا دن جو جمہوریت کی بلند آوازوں اور شرکت کے جشن کا دن ہونا چاہیے تھا، مگر کرور کی وہ سڑک، جو برسوں سے ربط کا ذریعہ ہے، اس دن تمل ناڈو کی روح پر ایک گہرا زخم بن گیا۔ کرور ہائی وے کے اس سنسان مقام پر اکتالیس جانیں بے رحمی سے ختم ہوگئیں، اور ان جانوں کے ساتھ بے شمار خاندانی خواب اور مستقبل بے رحمی سے روند ڈالے گئے۔ایک انوکھا درد ہے جو انتظار کی لمبی گھڑیوں سے جنم لیتا ہے۔ اُس دن چالیس ہزار سے زائد لوگ اس سڑک پر  جمع تھے جہاں دس ہزار لوگوں کے لیے انتظامیہ نے اجازات دی تھی کا — ماؤں نے اپنے بچوں کو سینے سے لگائے، بزرگ تھکن کے باوجود کھڑے، جوان ہاتھوں میں بینر تھامے — سات گھنٹے تک تنگ ہوتی بھیڑ میں دبا رہے۔ سات گھنٹے کی اذیت ناک گھڑیاں صرف ایک جھلک، ایک ہاتھ ہلانے یا رہنما وجے کے الفاظ سُننے کے لیے۔ وقت گزرنے کے ساتھ توقع ایک رسی کی طرح سخت ہونے لگی، اور پھر اچانک وہ رسی ٹوٹ گئی۔ دہشت کی لہر نے ہر طرف پھیلنا شروع کردیا — بجلی چلی گئی، رکاوٹیں گر گئیں، دل دھڑک اٹھے، اور انسانی سانسیں قصۂ پارینہ بن گئیں۔یہ واقعہ محض ہجوم کا ردعمل نہیں تھا؛ یہ امید کی موت، بھروسا ٹوٹنے اور امن کی وحشیانہ تباہی کا منظر تھا۔ وہ جُوتے جو بے دریغ چھوڑ دیے گئے، بچے کی چیخ جو شور میں گم ہوگئی، باپ جو گم ہوگیا — 

یہ مناظر محض عدالتی ریکارڈ میں نہیں ہوئے، بلکہ کرور کے ہر کونے میں زندگی کی دھڑکنوں کی طرح زندہ ہیں۔  میں نے سالوں تک مختلف بھیڑ کے حادثات کا جائزہ لیا ہے — مذہبی عقیدت بھرے جلوسوں سے لے کر پُرجوش سیاسی جلسوں تک۔ ہر موقع نے مجھے ایک سبق سکھایا ہے: انسانی جذبات، بھیڑ کی کثافت اور ان کو نظم میں رکھنے والے نظام کے درمیان توازن ناگزیر ہے۔ جب یہ توازن بگڑتا ہے، تو تباہی ناگزیر ہوتی ہے۔ ہر گمشدہ جان ایک اعداد و شمار نہیں بلکہ ایک ناقابل تحمل درد ہے۔میں نے ایک ماہر سے بات کی جس نے اپنی شناخت پوشیدہ رکھی، جو اس سانحے کی پیچیدگیوں کو سمجھتا تھا۔ انہوں نے کہا، "صرف بھیڑ کا حجم نہیں بلکہ اس کا بہاؤ، مزاج، اور وہ آخری لمحہ جب امید مایوسی میں بدل جاتی ہے، اموات کا تعین کرتا ہے۔" اُس نے یاد دلایا کہ کمبھ میلے کی مقدس جگہوں سے لیکر سیاسی جلسوں کی گلی کوچوں تک، وہی دردناک کہانی دہرائی گئی — انتباہات کو نظر انداز کرنا، حفاظتی انتظامات قربان کرنا، اور محفوظ راستے بند کر دینا۔ " کرور کے ویلوسامی پورم میں یہی سب کچھ ہوا۔" ان کی باتوں کی باتوں میں انسانی قیمت کا اذیت ناک سبق چھپا تھا: "جو زندہ بچ گئے، وہ شور نہیں بلکہ اُس خوفناک خاموشی کو یاد رکھتے ہیں — جب سانس لینا مشکل ہو اور خوف کا شور ہر طرف ہو۔" انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ منتظمین کو یہ سمجھنا ہو گا کہ بھیڑ محض افراد کا مجموعہ نہیں، بلکہ بھروسے اور عقیدے کا ایک جال ہے۔ اسے توڑنا تباہی کا پیش خیمہ ہے۔جیسے ہی اس حادثہ کی خبر پھیلی، تمل ناڈو میں غم نے غصے کی شکل اختیار کی، اور عدالتی کارروائی نے وجے کی پارٹی کو کڑی تنقید کا نشانہ بنایا۔ عدالت نے ان کی لاپرواہی، غیاب، اور بغیر پچھتاوے کے رویے کو بے نقاب کیا۔ اُسی روز عدالت نے خصوصی تحقیقاتی ٹیم بنانے کا حکم دیا جس کی سربراہی آئی جی اسرا گرگ کریں گی۔ کرور پولیس سے مکمل تعاون کی ضمانت دی گئی، اور ہائی وے پر سیاسی جلسوں پر فوری پابندی لگا دی گئی تاکہ مستقبل میں حفاظت کے مکمل انتظامات ہو سکیں۔تمام انتخابی گاڑیاں ضبط کر لی گئیں، ویڈیو شواہد طلب کیے گئے، اور پارٹی کی مرکزی قیادت کی ضمانت کی درخواستیں خارج کر دی گئیں۔ عدالت نے الزام عائد کیا کہ پارٹی نے اپنی عوام کو خطرے میں چھوڑا اور اپنی ذمہ داری سے بھاگ گئی۔ جج نے سخت لہجے میں برہمی کا اظہار کیا: "ان اموات کا مشاہدہ کرنا ناقابل برداشت ظلم ہے۔ ایسا رہنما جو اپنی قوم کی فریادوں پر غائب ہو جائے، اُس قیادت کا کوئی وجود نہیں۔"تمام درخواستوں کو خارج کرتے ہوئے عدالت نے کہا کہ سچائی کے تمام پہلوؤں کو بے پردہ کیا جائے گا، خواہ وہ پچھتاوے کے اظہار ہی کیوں نہ ہوں۔کرور کی وہ سڑک آج بھی خاموش ہے، مگر اُس کے ارد گرد درد کی گونج زندہ ہے۔ یہ صرف پولیس کی یا انتظامیہ کی ناکامی نہیں بلکہ ایک معاشرتی ناکامی ہے جس نے باپ، ماں اور بچے کے چشموں کو خشک کر دیا۔ جو زندہ بچ گئے، وہ اب تک اُس دردناک رات کی صدا اپنے دلوں میں محسوس کرتے ہیں۔ جو جا چکے، ان کے لیے کوئی عدالت یا حکم عدولی مکمل تسکین نہیں دے سکتا۔یہ سانحہ محض ایک خبر یا داستان نہیں، بلکہ ایک پیغام ہے جسے آنے والے ہر جلسے کو یاد رکھنا چاہیے۔ قیادت کا حقیقی معیار یہ ہے کہ وہ اپنے لوگوں کی حفاظت اور عزت کو یقینی بنائے۔انصاف صرف کاغذ پر تحریر نہیں ہوتا، بلکہ احساس ذمہ داری اور اجتماعی بیداری کا تقاضا کرتا ہے۔ مدراس ہائی کورٹ کا حکم محض ابتدائی باب ہے، اصل فیصلہ ہماری اجتماعی ذمہ داری اور حفاظت کے عزم میں ہے۔اس حادثے کی گہرائی کو سمجھنے کے لیے حقائق کے ساتھ ساتھ انسانیت کے جذبے بھی سمجھنا ہوں گے۔ یہ واقعہ ایک ایسی داستان ہے جو امید اور اعتماد کے دھاگوں کو بے رحمی سے تار تار کر گیا۔ 

یہ محض ماضی کا سانحہ نہیں، بلکہ ایک حاضر و آینده کی پکار ہے کہ ہم اپنی لاپرواہی کی قیمت سمجھیں اور ایک ایسا سماج تعمیر کریں جہاں سلامتی اور عزت ہر انسان کی پہچان ہو۔