Know the difference between A and B Khatha in Bangalore

What is Khatha ?

Khatha is an important legal document which is needed when licensing property for trade and also when applying for ac loan from any bank or financial institution. Khatha refers to an account owned by a person who has a property in Bangalore. Khatha contains all the details of a property like name of owner, size of the building, location of the property and all other details that is required while filing your property tax.

In Bangalore, Khatha determines assessment of property owners within the jurisdiction of Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP). Thus Khatha is an identification for property owners who are liable to pay property taxto the concerned authority. Khatha registration under BBMPhas been an issue shrouded in doubts and mystery for new property buyers in Bangalore.

A Khatha consists of two elements – Khatha Certificate is required for property registration and transfer of property from the owner’s name to another person’s. To apply for a Khatha certificate, the owner has to give a letter in this regard along with the latest tax payment receipt along with a standard fee of Rs 25 per property. A Khatha certificate will enable you to apply for water connection, electricity connection or acquiring a commercial license. Khatha Extract contans the details of the property obtained from the property assessment register. It contains details of the property like its size, whether it is used for commercial or residential purpose, the valuation of the property as per the latest assessment. It can be obtained by paying Rs 100, and is valid for five years. The difference between a khatha and a title deed is that while khatha is an assessment of a property for payment of tax the title deed confers ownership of property to the owner.

Khatha in Bangalore

In 2007, seven City Municipal Councils (CMC) of Bommanahalli, Dasarahalli, Krishnarajapuram, Raja Rajeshwari Nagar, Mahadevapura, Byatarayanapura, Yelahanka, one Town Municipal Council (TMC) of Kengeri and 110 villages were brought under the purview of Bangalore Mahanagara Palike (BMP). Subsequently, Bruhat Bangalore Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) was created and it came to light that many properties under the purview of BBMP did not have appropriate approval from the concerned land development authority.

Prior to the formation of BBMP, the municipal councils used to collect tax under the capital value system under the provisions of the Karnataka Municipalities Act, 1964 and the villages were collecting tax under the Karnataka Panchayat Raj Act, 1993. The then BMP was collecting taxes under the annual rental value system. Thus, need for a uniform taxation policy for properties under the purview of newly constituted BBMP was realised and in 2009, a new section 108A was inserted to the Karnataka Municipal Corporations Act, 1976.

Many unauthorized properties continued to enjoy the civic amenities without paying property tax. After the amendment to the Act, BBMP could levy tax on a building constructed in violation of the provisions of the building byelaws or constructed in an unauthorized layout or in a revenue land or from a building occupied without issuance of occupancy or a completion certificate. These properties were issued an acknowledgment which was in common parlance known as ‘B’ Khata.

In reality, property tax collected from such buildings/properties is registered under a separate register, i.e. ‘B’ Register and the Khatha issued under the register came to be known as B Khatha.

Which is better – A Khatha or B Khatha ?

It is advisable to go for properties having A Khatha as in case of B Khatha you are not entailed to have building license, trade licence or loan from banks or any other financial transactions. B Khata is a temporary measure which will allow you to buy or sell a site, but you will face problems when you go for construction.

Khatha conversion

Whenever the intervening irregularity is resolved, B Khatha can be converted in to A Khatha. Here are the requirements for converting a B Khatha to an A Khatha:

(a) You should have DC converted property

(b) Property tax must be paid till date

(c) Betterment charges for the conversion of property has to be paid to BBM
P

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Start Up India

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Inna lillaahi wa inna ilayhi Raaji’oon - ‘Indeed we belong to Allah and to Him we return

Yeah, sure we say this statement when someone dies. Also some of us may say this sentence when they lose something, suffer a setback or harm.

But, do you know what it means?

Sure, everyone know that it obviously means ‘Indeed we belong to Allah  and to Him we return."

But that’s not what I am talking about.

I mean ….we need to Really understand these Verse beyond the Words and their implications in a Muslim’s life, Basically one should clearly understand, whatever we have is not really ours. It belongs to Allah.

Take a look around you, everything you see, all that you have and all that there is in you, on you, around you….belongs to Allah, alone.

It is Allah Who has given you all the property and goods you possess, and that He is the true Owner of them all.So the cars that you own, the houses that you live in, the businesses you possess all truly belong to Allaah.The kids that He blessed you with, the health that He gave you, the time that He has allowed you are all Allah’s property.Even the bodies we live in and the life that we have belongs to Allah alone.

“And to Allah belongs the inheritance of the heavens and the earth….” (Surah Aal-Imraan:180)

“The kingdom of the heavens and the earth and everything in them belongs to Allah. He has power over all things.” (Surat al-Ma’ida: 120)

“Say: ‘To Allah belongs the East and the West…” (Surah al-Baqarah:142)

Now, since everything belongs to Allaah, then we have to include even our souls in that list. The very souls that we think of as our “self”; our “nafs”; our “being” — whatever you want to call it — that very thing that distinguishes you from the rest of the world, belongs to Allaah.

It’s not YOURS.

In fact, YOU are not YOURS.

You belong to Allah.

And this is the essence of the concept of slavery to Allah in Islam.

And since He is the true Possessor of everything, and everything is His property, He allots what He wills to whomever He wills…….and then He takes it away. After all, it was Allah’s to begin with.

So He may give you some thing and then take it back after a while.

He will bless you with a precious child that you love dearly…and then He may take it away.

He will grant you money, honor and status….and then He may take it away.

He will give you youth, vitality and health and then surely He will take it away.

In fact everything you have will only be with you for a very short while.

And then the Owner will claim His Right.

So when Allah does reclaim what was rightfully His, WHY MOURN OUR LOSSES?

Just like a friend who lends you his book. And then after a few days, he wants it back and you give it back to him…no regrets…..no sorrow….no questions asked.

Similarly, if Allah takes back some of His blessings upon you for some reason….so be it.

Say Alhamdulillaah.

Don’t grieve. Be patient. Submit to the will of Allaah, being pleased with His decision for you. For surely He will only do what is best for you.

Just think…..The Owner came and took it back.

Remember….that you’re not the real owner…..you were NEVER the real owner to begin with. You only had everything because it was Allah who gave it to you in the first place. If He didn’t give it to you, you wouldn’t have had it in any way…in fact, you couldn’t have had it.

Remember….man enters into this world empty handed…and leaves it empty handed.

Remember….that everything we have, all the blessings we enjoy, are gifts from Almighty Allah…gifts that we enjoy for a limited period until He takes them away whenever He deems fit.

They are a trust from Allah…a loan to you…to see how you respond to these gifts from Allah and how you use them….in the obedience of the Almighty, thanking Him and worshipping Him……OR……..to the disobedience to the One Who gave then to you in the first place.

Take note of the words of the Prophet (Sal Allaahu Alaiyhi wa Sallam) on the occasion of the death of his son, Ibraahim: ‘Our eyes are filled with tears, our hearts with grief, but we say nothing with our lips except that which pleases Allah…. Verily, to Allah we belong, and to Him we return.’ (Bukhaari)

And we all know the famous incidence about the companion Abu Talha and his wife when one of the sons died and Abu Talha was not at home. She washed and shrouded him and when Abu Talha came home and asked about his son, she said, “The child is quiet and I hope he is in peace….” (Bukhaari)

Subhaan Allaah….such patience!

And such Imaan in the statement “Inna lillaahi wa inna ilayhi Raaji’oon”!

She truly understood its meaning and the affect it should have on her life as a Muslimah,

submitting to him and being pleased with whatever He has decreed for her.

She knew that whatever she has, is not truly hers. Rather, it is Allaah’s….and He took back whatever He owns at its appointed time.

And it is because of this Imaan so strong, this understanding, that the Prophet (Sal Allaahu Alaiyhi wa Sallam) made dua for them and Allah blessed them immensely.

“They (i.e. Abu Talha and his wife) had nine sons and all of them became reciters of the Quran (by heart).” (Bukhaari)

“Be sure we will test you with something of fear and hunger, some loss in goods or lives, but give glad tidings to those who are steadfast, who say when afflicted with calamity: ‘To Allah we belong and to him is our return.’ They are those on who (descend) blessings from Allah and mercy and they are the once that receive guidance.” (al-Baqarah:155)

Road Safety-Time for Action

Expansion of transport network is a necessary prerequisite for growth, and urbanization an almost certain corollary. So, as India charts a path of growth, we see an increasing level of urbanization and concentration of population in cities. As expected, we also see a rapid expansion of the road network in the country with an overall increase in motorization. India today has one of the largest road networks in the world. Motor vehicle population has grown here at Compounded Annual Growth rate of 10.5% during the period 2003-13. While this growth is perfectly in order and also necessary for a surging economy, what raises a cause for concern is the fact that we have not equipped ourselves to deal with this increased pressure on road space. We have not brought in modern traffic management systems and practices including development of contemporary traffic rules and creating awareness regarding adherence to these rules. As a result, we have a very high number of road accidents in the country and safety in road travel has become a cause for concern and a major public health issue. 56 Road Accidents take place and 16 Persons killed every hour in the country.

To ensure a “safe system” in road travel, it is imperative to augment road infrastructure, develop the safety mechanism in vehicles, change the behaviour of drivers and road users, and improve the emergency and other post-crash services. These are the four Es in road safety, Education, Enfoncement, Engineering, Environment and Emergency care.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) in 2009, in its first Global Status Report on Road Safety, identified road accidents as the “biggest killers” across the world. The report says about 1.2 million people die and 50 million get affected in road accidents globally every year. A decade of Action for Road Safety (2011-2020) has been adopted with a goal to reduce the fatalities from road accidents by 50 percent.

India has been identified by the WHO as a nation leading in road death, roughly one road accident per minute and one road accident death every four minutes. According to the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways, over one lakh persons lose their lives every year in road accidents. In 2014 alone, more than 1.39 lakh people died in road accidents.

The Government has adopted a National Road Safety Policy in 2010 which emphasizes the importance of creating awareness about the various aspects of road safety, and its socio-economic implications and developing a road safety information database.

The Government has also come up with a draft Road Transport and Safety Bill, 2014 with stronger punitive action and penalty for traffic violations and road safety forms a major component of the proposed Act. The 2014 Bill, now put up on the site of the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways for public comments, proposes modernisation of the road transport infrastructure, improvement in the quality of vehicles on the roads and simplification in the procedure to obtain driving licence through a Unified Driver Licensing System for the entire country.

The use of safety equipment like helmets, seat belts for all passengers including those in rear seats and high visibility clothing for two wheelers has been made mandatory in the proposed Act. The safety of children has also been taken into account by requiring to make use of child safety and restraint systems. The proposed Bill has set a target of saving 2 lakh lives in the first five years, increasing the national GDP by 4% by improving safety and efficiency of road transport. Under ‘Make in India’, it aims at creating 10 lakh jobs with more investment in the road transport sector.

The Government has already launched a pilot project for cashless treatment of road accidents in a few stretches like Gurgaon-Jaipur stretch on NH-8 in 2013-14, Ranchi-Rargaon-Mahulia stretch of NH-33 and Vadodara-Mumbai stretch of NH-8 in 2014-15. This is to save lives of accident victims by providing prompt and appropriate medical care during the 'golden hour' that is the first 48 hours, within a limit of Rs.30,000/-. A 24/7 call centre with toll free number 1033 has also been activated on these stretches. The data from the pilot project would be utilised for formulating a Pan-India scheme for cashless treatment of road accident victims.

In order to reduce the number of accidents, the Government is identifying major accident “Black Spots” on the roads. An accident Black Spot is a stretch of road where the level of risk of accidents is higher than the surrounding areas. Crashes tend to be concentrated at these relatively high-risk locations. The data on black spots are now required to be reported by the states/UTs to the Ministry of Road, Transport and Highways. An analysis of these spots will help identify the risk factor and put corrective safety measures in place. Details of 726 black spots have been compiled from across the country. Out of these, about 190 spots have already been analyzed and corrective measures have been put in place at these spots.

Road safety is for public good. The Road Safety Policy and the proposed Act, both put emphasis on enhancing public awareness and educating people about their roles in making the road travel safe. Keeping this in mind, every year in January, 'Road Safety Week’ is organised for sensitisation of various stakeholders. The aim of this campaign is to highlight the need of safe road travel by applying just simple rules.

Variety of programs about the methods and necessities of the road safety like the use of helmets or seat belts while driving, medical check-up camps, driving training workshops and competitive events at educational institutions are mounted for different target groups like the road travellers, drivers and also school children, students and youth. On the other hand, activities should be undertaken for improving public transport system, proper management of traffic system and strict observance of emission norms. Each year a specific theme is chosen to create awareness. Some such themes like “Build a Safety Culture for Sustainable Supply Chain”, “Safety is not just a slogan, It’s a way of life”, “Walk for Road Safety”, “Stay Alive, don’t drink and drive” and “Road Safety A Mission, Not Intermission”, etc have already been highlighted during the observance of the week.

The 27th Road safety week was observed from 11th of January (Monday) to the 17th of January (Sunday). This year the Campaign focused on 'Road Safety--Time for Action'. The Campaign for road safety can only be successful if all stakeholders such as transport, insurance, health, legal professionals, highway engineers and vehicle manufacturers are on board. Children and school and college going students should be taught from the beginning about the road user behaviour. Road safety education should be a part of the school curriculum so that safety becomes a habit and a way of life from the beginning.

Source : http://pib.nic.in/newsite/efeatures.aspx

An open letter to Vice-Chancellor of University of Hyderabad Signed by129 academics from around the world

Rohith Vemula, a second year PhD student at University of Hyderabad, committed suicide on 17thJan 2016 evening. He was among the five research scholars who were suspended by Hyderabad Central University (HCU) in August last year and also one of the accused in the case of assault on a student leader.

Nearly 130 academics from around the world have written an open letter to the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hyderabad expressing their shock and anguish at the suicide of a Dalit scholar, Rohith Vemula, and demanding that justice be done. Here is the full text of the letter and the list of sigantories:

We of the global scholarly community make an urgent appeal that justice be done in the most recent case of caste discrimination in Indian higher education, that of the University of Hyderabad’s prejudicial suspension of five young Dalit men pursuing PhDs. It was ordered under political pressure, without even allowing the young men in question to speak in their own defense. It directly contravened an earlier decision made by the University administration itself, which had exonerated them of any charges of wrongdoing-charges which had been trumped up by political rivals opposed to the activism of these young men.

This prejudice has now exacted a terrible price. One of the five, a scholar of great promise, Rohith Vemula, committed suicide on January 17. Unable to bear the despair of having his one chance at a future snatched from him, of his value being reduced, in his own eloquent parting words, to nothing but “a vote” and “an immediate identity,” he took his own life. As scholars we know that individual actions are never just that. This suicide is not an individual act. It is the failure of premier higher educational institutions in democratic India to meet their most basic obligation: to foster the intellectual and personal growth of India’s most vulnerable young people. Instead, Rohith now joins a long list of victims of prejudice at premier institutions in the country, where pervasive discrimination drives so many Dalit students to depression and suicide, when not simply forcing them to quietly drop out.

As international scholars of South Asia, we ask the authorities at the University of Hyderabad to immediately reinstate Mr. Vemula's four peers, to provide support to his family, and to launch a police investigation into his passing. But that is not enough. The University of Hyderabad must ensure not only that justice be done now, but that further injustice be rigorously prevented. It is vital to the life of any academic institution to actively nurture students exactly like Rohith, whose contribution to civic life and healthy political debate made the university the place of learning and personal transformation it should be. Measures must be implemented to ensure that such students are supported and allowed to thrive when they enter what is all too often the hostile, casteist environment of higher education in India. A university where students turn away from life with the regularity they have at the University of Hyderabad requires urgent and massive rehauling.

The involvement of political leaders in buttressing caste discrimination in Indian universities, and the double standards applied by university administrations to anti-caste student activity, directly contribute to the negative reputation India is earning among scholars worldwide. We urge the University of Hyderabad to restore our confidence by living up to its obligation to end institutionalized discrimination, to educate all students in a climate of respect and empathy, and to resist political pressures to do otherwise. We are all watching.

1. Rupa Viswanath, Professor of Indian Religions, University of Göttingen, Germany

2. Joel Lee, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Williams College, USA

3. Dwaipayan Sen, Assistant Professor of History, Amherst College, USA

4. Nathaniel Roberts, Research Fellow, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Germany

5. Gajendran Ayyathurai, Postdoctoral Researcher, University of Göttingen, Germany

6. David Mosse, Professor, SOAS University of London, UK.

7. Karthikeyan Damodaran, PhD Scholar, University of Edinburgh.

8. Hugo Gorringe, Senior Lecturer, University of Edinburgh.

9. T. Dharmaraj, Visiting Professor, Centre for Modern Indian Studies, University of Göttingen.

10. Ania Loomba, Professor, University of Pennsylvania, USA.

11. Lalit Vachani, Research Fellow, Center for Modern Indian Studies, University of Göttingen, Germany

12. Srirupa Roy, Professor of State and Democracy, Center for Modern Indian Studies, University of Göttingen, Germany

13. Christophe Jaffrelot, Dr., CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, France

14. Suvir Kaul, A. M. Rosenthal Professor, University of Pennsylvania, USA

15. Frank J. Korom, Professor of Religion and Anthropology, Boston University, USA

16. John Harriss, Professor, Simon Fraser University, Canada

17. Dilip Menon, Professor and Director, Centre for Indian Studies, University of Witwatersrand, South Africa

18. Raka Ray, Professor of Sociology and South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, USA.

19. Jonathan Spencer, Regius Professor of South Asian Language, Culture and Society, University of Edinburgh, UK

20. Constantine Nakassis, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Chicago, USA

21. Sankaran Krishna, Professor of Political Science, University of Hawaii-Manoa, USA

22. Chandra Mallampalli, Professor of History, Westmont College, USA

23. Timothy Lubin, Professor, Washington and Lee University, USA

24. Linda Hess, Senior Lecturer, Stanford University, USA

25. Auritro Majumder, Assistant Professor, University of Houston, USA

26. P. Bagavandoss, Professor, Department of Biological Sciences, Kent State University, USA.

27. Shirin Rai, Professor of Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick, UK.

28. Indira Arumugam, Assistant Professor of Sociology, National University of Singapore

29. Michele Friedner, Assistant Professor, Stony Brook University, New York, USA

30. Dibyesh Anand, Associate Professor, University of Westminster, UK

31. Ravinder Kaur, Associate Professor, University of Copenhagen, Denmark.

32. James Caron, Lecturer in Islamicate South Asia, SOAS, University of London, UK.

33. Francis Cody, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Toronto, Canada.

34. Christopher Taylor, Assistant Professor of English, University of Chicago, USA

35. Alpa Shah, Associate Professor (Reader) of Anthropology, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK.

36. Bishnupriya Ghosh, Professor of English, University of California, Santa Barbara

37. Gloria Goodwin Raheja, Professor of Anthropology, University of Minnesota, USA

38. Anjali Arondekar, Associate Professor of Feminist Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz, USA

39. Nosheen Ali, Habib University, Karachi

40. Vazira Zamindar, Associate Professor of History, Brown University, USA

41. Kavita Philip, Professor of History, University of California at Irvine, USA

42. Bhavani Raman, Associate Professor, University of Toronto, Canada.

43. Subir Sinha, Development Studies, SOAS, London, UK.

44. Francesca Orsini, Professor, SOAS, London, UK.

45. Gilbert Achcar, Professor, SOAS, London, UK.

46. Nilanjan Sarkar, Deputy Director, South Asia Center, LSE, UK.

47. Jon Wilson, Senior Lecturer in History, King’s College, London, UK.

48. Peter van der Veer, Director and Professor at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen, Germany.

49. Tam Ngo, Researcher, Max-Planck-Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen, Germany

50. Shakuntala Banaji, Lecturer, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

51. Meena Dhanda, Reader in Philosophy and Cultural Politics, University of Wolverhampton, UK

52. Goldie Osuri, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Warwick, UK.

53. Shana Sippy, Visiting Scholar, Carleton College, USA

54. Sarah Hodges, Associate Professor, University of Warwick, UK

55. Mukulika Banerjee, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Director, South Asia Centre, London School of Economics, UK

56. Paula Chakravartty, Associate Professor, MCC and Galatin, New York University, USA

57. Narendra Subramanian, Professor of Political Science, McGill University, Canada, and Visiting Senior Research Fellow, Max-Planck-Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen, Germany.

58. Gurminder K Bhambra, Professor, University of Warwick

59. Rashmi Varma, Associate Professor, University of Warwick, UK

60. Uday Chandra, Assistant Professor of Government, Georgetown University, Qatar

61. Anupama Rao, Associate Professor of History, Barnard College, Columbia University, USA

62. Neena Mahadev, Postdoctoral Fellow, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Germany.

63. Nusrat S Chowdhury, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Amherst College, USA

64. Kavin Paulraj, Lecturer, Saint Mary's College of California, USA

65. Asiya Alam, History Department, Louisiana State University, USA

66. Ananya Chakravarti, assistant professor of history, Georgetown University

67. Jesse Knutson, Assistant Professor of Sanskrit, University of Hawaii Manoa

68. Gopal Balakrishnan Professor, History of Consciousness, University of California Santa Cruz, USA

69. Geir Heierstad, Research Director, Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research, Norway

70. Kenneth Bo Nielsen, Coordinator, Norwegian Network for Asian Studies, Norway.

71. Andrew Liu, Assistant Professor of History, Villanova University, USA

72. Toussaint Losier, Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, USA.

73. Pinky Hota, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Smith College, Northampton MA

74. Madhumita Lahiri, Assistant Professor of English, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, USA

75. Juned Shaikh, Assistant Professor, Department of History, University of California, Santa Cruz

76. Neilesh Bose, Canada Research Chair in Global and Comparative History University of Victoria

77. Lawrence Cohen, Professor and Director, Institute of South Asia Studies, University of California, Berkeley, USA

78. John Holmwood, Professor of Sociology, University of Nottingham, UK.

79. Balmurli Natrajan, Associate Professor, William Paterson University of New Jersey, USA.

80. Richard Alexander, Lecturer in Financial Law, SOAS University of London, UK.

81. Eleanor Newbigin, Senior Lecturer, SOAS, University of London

82. Chinnaiah Jangam, Assistant Professor of History, Carleton University, Canada.

83. Matthew J Nelson, Reader in Politics, SOAS, University of London.

84. Sîan Hawthorne, Lecturer in Critical Theory & the Study of Religions, SOAS, London, UK.

85. Amrita Shodhan, SOAS, University of London, UK.

86. Michael Hutt Professor and Director, SOAS South Asia Institute, University of London, UK

87. Jonathan Goodhand, Professor in Conflict and Development Studies, SOAS, University of London, UK

88. Nitasha Kaul, Author and academic, University of Westminster, London.

89. Deepankar Basu, Associate Professor, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

90. Somak Biswas, Doctoral Candidate, Department of History, University of Warwick, UK

91. Michael Levien, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Johns Hopkins University, USA

92. Nilisha Vashist, M.Phil/PhD student, University College London, UK

93. Rama Mantena, Associate Professor of History, University of Illinois at Chicago, USA

94. Sohini Kar, Assistant Professor, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

95. Dr. Jacob Copeman, Social Anthropology, University of Edinburgh.

96. Dr. Priyamvada Gopal, Cambridge University, UK.

97. Carole Spary, Assistant Professor, University of Nottingham, UK.

98. James Putzel, Professor of Development Studies, LSE, UK.

99. Romola Sanyal, Assistant Professor, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

100. Dr Barnita Bagchi, Literary Studies, Utrecht University, Netherlands.

101. Dag Erik Berg, Postdoctoral Fellow, Center for Modern Indian Studies, University of Göttingen, Germany.

102. Dr Kalpana Wilson, London School of Economics, UK

103. Chetan Bhatt, Professor, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

104. Rahul Rao, Senior Lecturer in Politics, SOAS, University of London, UK

105. Dr Alan Bullion, The Open University, UK

106. Katharine Adeney, Professor and Director of the Institute of Asia and Pacific Studies, University of Nottingham, UK

107. Dr. Mara Matta, Modern Literatures of the Indian Subcontinent, SAPIENZA Università di Roma, Italy

108. Pritam Singh, Professor of Economics, Oxford Brookes University, UK.

109. Dr. Sunil Kumar, Lecturer, London School of Economics, UK

110. Maitreesh Ghatak, Professor of Economics, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

111. Richa Nagar, Professor, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, USA

112. Mary Kaldor, Professor, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

113. David Lewis, Professor of Social Policy, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

114. Dr. Suthaharan Nadarajah, Lecturer, SOAS, University of London

115. Dr. Navtej Purewal, SOAS, University of London, UK

116. Shruti Sinha, Toulouse School of Economics, France.

117. Robert Cassen, Professor

118. Apurba Kundu, Deputy Dean, Anglia Ruskin University, UK.

119. Rachel McDermott, Associate Professor of Religion, Barnard College, Columbia University, USA.

120. Dr. Clarinda Still, Contemporary South Asian Studies Programme, University of Oxford, UK

121. Chad M. Bauman, Associate Professor of Religion, Butler University, USA.

122. Nandini Bhattacharya, Lecturer in History, University of Dundee, UK

123. Vijay Prashad, Professor, Trinity College, USA and Chief Editor, LeftWord Books.

124. Lucinda Ramberg, Assistant Professor, Cornell University, USA.

125. Pippa Virdee, Senior Lecturer in Modern South Asian History, De Montfort University, UK.

126. Andrew J. Nicholson, Associate Professor, State University of New York, Stony Brook

127. Dr. Teena Purohit, Department of Religion, Boston University.

128. Sahana Bajpaie, Instructor in Bengali, SOAS, University of London, UK.

129. M. V. Ramana, Physicist, Princeton University, USA

حضرت مولانا سید نظام الدین صاحب کی حیات و خدمات

حضرت مولانا سید نظام الدین صاحب کی حیات و خدمات پر منعقدہ سیمینار میں شرکت کرتے ہوئے حضرت مولانا سید رابع حسنی ندوی صاحب دامت برکاتہم ( ناظم دارالعلوم ندوۃ العلماء و صدر آل انڈیا مسلم پرسنل لاء بورڈ) ، حضرت مولانا محمد سفیان قاسمی صاحب مدظلہ(مہتمم دارالعلوم دیوبند وقف)، حضرت مولانا خالد سیف اللہ رحمانی صاحب مد ظلہ (جنرل سیکریٹری اسلامک فقہ اکیڈمی انڈیا) و حضرت مولانا سید شاہد مظاہری صاحب مد ظلہٰ ( ناظم جامعہ مظاہر العلوم سہارنپور) و دیگر علماء کرام ۔

Vengefulness is not our way

By

Dr Mohammad Manzoor Alam

Over the last few years an impression has gained ground that Islam is violent and vengeful. This impression has been deepened and confirmed by violent events in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Palestine and Yemen, all “Muslim” lands. Also, by revenge attacks on people trying to insult the Prophet (PBUH).

A point to remember here is that nearly 1.5 million people were killed by America and its allies in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the political void created by the US war unleashed a civil war that claimed more lives.

The war destabilised the region, triggering more civil wars. Over the next few years Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) rose in the chaos, demolishing several smaller players, co-opting others, trying to overcome anarchy and create a state of its own over large swaths of Iraq and Syria. This created more chaos. Finally, it is on the retreat as the region’s issues of political power and sovereignty remain as unresolved as ever.

So, can we honestly say that ISIS is an Islamic project? So far, the consensus among Muslims worldwide, their intellectuals, thinkers and ulema has been that it is not. Some recently declassified US documents indicate that they have an American connection like al-Qaeda and Taliban. However, like al-Qaeda and Taliban, which were later finished by America, ISIS, too, is to be finished by America and its allies

.

Coming back to the alleged vengefulness of Islam, the turmoil in the Muslim world, that is a byproduct of the American war has to be seen as such. Here, one must keep in mind that the civil wars currently on in the Muslim world have not killed even five percent as many people as the America-led wars in these lands have.
If for the killing of so many by America and Europe, Christianity is not a violent religion, how did Islam become violent if some misguided Muslims killed a far more smaller number of fellow Muslims than America and Europe did?

The civil war in Muslim lands today is like any civil war. Remember the French Revolution. The Russian Revolution. The Kampuchean civil war. The Sri Lankan civil war. Did anybody say Christianity is a violent religion because of US civil war, the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution? Did Buddhism become a violent religion because of the Kampuchean or Sri Lankan civil war?

Casualties in each of those conflicts were a hundred times (if not several times more) higher than in the present conflict in the Muslim world. Why? Because Islam does not like fasaad (chaos, turmoil, mindless violence). That is why the conflict is limited to a relatively small number of people.

In Islam, war is the last resort. The Islamic scripture says Muslims are “a good group of people, who have been created for the (welfare of) humanity, who encourage people to do good and forbid them from doing evil.” Muslims usually prefer to live by this high principle. The scripture also says that someone who kills even one person unjustly, he is regarded as the killer of the entire humanity. Conversely, if someone saves a life, he is the saviour of entire humanity.

The same principle is demonstrated in the life of the Prophet (PBUH), who always preferred to pardon than to punish. Punishment of crimes only in the rarest of rare circumstances was the Prophet’s order.

This policy of mercy adopted by Islam is laid down by the Prophet in the following Hadith of al-Tirmidi, Book 15, that says, inter alia,

“…If there is any alibi in his favour, release him for it is better for a judge to err in pardoning a culprit than in punishing him.”
There are endless examples of the Prophet (PBUH) pardoning people accused of serious crimes under these principles. If the case involved crime against the Prophet (PBUH) or his family, the Prophet almost always let such people off. The greatest and most visible case is that of Makkah at its conquest by the Prophet’s (PBUH) army.

On the conquest of Makkah, when the Makkans were trembling in the their boots, fearing a reprisal and general massacre, the Prophet (PBUH) announced a general amnesty, forgiving enemies who had for years tortured and murdered Muslims in the most horrendous manner.

Muslims were driven out by their enemies first to Ethiopia and then to Medina. At both places they were sought to be harmed. Their army came to attack them at Medina.

The first Muslim Shaheedah (martyr) was a woman, whom the Makkans tortured and finally killed for refusing to leave Islam. The enemies rammed a spear through her private parts. A beloved uncle of the Prophet (PBUH) was killed in war and his heart was taken out and chewed by the wife of Abu Sufiyan, Hindah.

Culprits like Hindah, instead of being killed in revenge, were allowed to go unpunished. There are so many such other incidents when the Prophet (PBUH) chose pardon over punishment. Once when Muslims were enraged about slander of the Prophet by an enemy and were seeking revenge, the Prophet (PBUH) ignored the offence saying the man had not slandered Muhammad (PBUH), but some character in his imagination.

These incidents were not rare and far and few in between, but routine in the Prophet’s (PBUH) life and pardon than punishment was the norm.

As this column is dedicated to the youth, I want them to keep it in mind that revenge was not the Prophet’s (PBUH) way. All Muslims of all sects, races and nationalities are deeply wounded when someone tries to insult the Prophet (PBUH) and the first thought that comes to mind is that of revenge. This is more true of the youth. However, we have to remember that revenge was not the beloved Prophet’s (PBUH) way.

Our ulema say that Allah Himself had praised the Prophet (PBUH). Anybody praised by Allah is beyond the abuse of others. The abuser slanders someone in his or her own mind, not the person of the Prophet (PBUH), who is immune to such things in his God-given status as “Mercy to Mankind”.

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Stop the Vendetta

By

Dr Mohammad Manzoor Alam

The last few weeks have been as disturbing as the preceding weeks. The slander campaign against Muslims accompanied by organised violence against them in different areas of the country and the attacks on, and murder of, liberals like Dabholkar, Pansare and Kalburgi have slowed down in the wake of an unprecedented wave of protests. As those attacks began to taper off, another campaign was launched by the saffron leadership of the Union government against political rivals.

A government that kept silent over charges of corruption against foreign minister Sushma Swaraj, BJP chief minister Vasundraraje Scindia of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan, also of BJP. However, on flimsy, unsustainable charges against the top bureaucrat in the Delhi state government, the Delhi CM’s office as well as the bureaucrat’s home was raided by CBI. Nothing incriminating was found in the raids.

The entire AAP was agitated over it. Common people were scandalised and wondered to what abysmal low the Centre could sink in its goal of harassing the Opposition. The general feeling was that BJP wanted to have a strange kind of democracy which did not have an Opposition. Anywhere else on earth nobody can imagine a democracy without an Opposition.

The Delhi government clarified that taking advantage of the raid the Union government wanted to take away the files on the irregularities committed by Arun Jaitley who happens to be the Union finance minister today. Rule-of-law, fair play and justice have become the initial victims of the politics of vendetta.

This is also a case of selective justice as one set of people (BJP chief ministers and India’s foreign minister) are let off without a word, while another CM, who belongs to another party, is hounded and humiliated like an ordinary criminal, setting aside all norms of decency and political dignity.

Look at the enormity of people like Amit Shah, Babu Bajrangi and Maya Kodnani walking free despite their dark deeds. Babu Bajrangi boasted on camera about his involvement in the mass murder of Muslims in Gujarat in 2002. Yet, they are free people today.

The most vicious attacks of all these has been launched against Mrs. Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi by the habitually mischievous BJP man Subramaniam Swami. He has claimed that in 2016 both Mrs Gandhi and Rahul will be in jail in a case he has filed against the alleged mismanagement of Associated Journals Ltd., a company that used to bring out National Herald and its sister publications.

As everyone knows, these newspaper were founded by the Congress Party, especially by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Rafi Ahmad Kidwai. Since before Independence these publications had been articulating Congress Party’s concerns and policies till a few years back when they ceased publication.

Interestingly, neither Mrs Gandhi nor Rahul were on the board of AJL, or the separate body that independently ran the AJL. Hence, it is a far-fetched project to implicate them in its mismanagement. The case is unsustainable. Hence they got bail easily last week.

However, it was not the bail that was important, but the huge wave of sympathy in the public that saw the mother and son as victims of BJP’s mean-spirited politics of vendetta. The huge turnout of Congress leaders and workers on the occasion, too, showed that the Congress Party had been galvanised into a fighting mode as they saw their leaders being framed up.

The powers that be must keep in mind that the persecution of the Gandhis is a sure way of reviving the Congress Party. I am saying this from the experience of the fate of Janata Party’s short-lived, two-year rule. In 1977 general elections the Congress Party was totally wiped off, and even its charismatic leader, Mrs Indira Gandhi, lost election. That paved the way for Janata Party rule, which quickly squandered its mandate.

Soon after its coming into power, the Janata Dal government got busy persecuting Mrs Indira Gandhi. They even put her in jail. That made the Congress Party stand up and fight. Simultaneously, an impression gained ground in public that the Janata government was not interested in governance but infighting and vendetta against Mrs Gandhi. As a result a huge wave of sympathy for Mrs Gandhi swept away the Janata circus within two years.

From the kind of show of unity and willingness to fight political vendetta presented by the Congress Party leaders and workers on the day of the court appearance of Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Rahul it is clear that by persecuting them BJP is out to harm itself. They even tried to persecute Sonia Gandhi’s daughter and son-in-law earlier, but failed miserably. This case, too, is not going to succeed.