The Iron Lady in a Sari

On this solemn day, October 31, 2025, I humbly present my write-up in tribute to Indira Gandhi, commemorating the 41st anniversary of her tragic assassination in 1984

There are few Indians who do not have an opinion about Indira Gandhi. For some, she was Durga incarnate—decisive, fearless, destined to lead a billion people with the poise of a monarch. For others, she was the architect of authoritarianism, a politician who tampered with democracy and relished the taste of absolute power. Both versions are true, and therein lies her legend.

Indira was not born into humility. She was the daughter of a Prime Minister, educated among privilege and pressure. Yet, her femininity was both her armor and her weapon. In a Cabinet of aging patriots and patriarchs, she was dismissed as “Goongi Gudiya,” the dumb doll. The doll soon proved she could bite. The men who mocked her underestimated a quality that defined her—quiet ruthlessness. When the Congress split, Indira made it clear: loyalty to her was loyalty to India. Gandhi’s India became, quite literally, Indira’s India.

Unlike other leaders of her time, she never pretended to be one of the masses. Nehru mingled with philosophers, Shastri with farmers—but Indira walked alone. Even her smile seemed rehearsed. And perhaps it had to be, for a woman in power could not afford spontaneity. She built an image of austerity, of solitude, of discipline—her white sari, her clipped tone, her measured words—all symbols of self-control in a country addicted to noise and chaos.

Yet, the very strength that held her empire together also suffocated it. During the Emergency, she declared that democracy could wait, liberty could bend, and history could be rewritten by decree. It was during those dark months that India learned the difference between strength and tyranny. When she lost the 1977 election, the people did not simply reject her policies—they punished her pride. But she returned, scarred but unbroken, a moth to her own flame.

The symbolism of Indira Gandhi lies not only in what she achieved but in what she represented. She was proof that leadership in India could wear a sari, command an army, and silence a room full of men without raising her voice. She taught a generation of women that ambition was not unseemly; it was survival. Yet, her life was also a cautionary tale—showing that when power becomes personal, even icons fall to their own shadows.

Her death was eerily poetic: felled by the hands that had saluted her every morning. She once said that every drop of her blood would strengthen India. Perhaps it did. But it also stained the conscience of a nation that never learned to love its leaders—only to fear them, hate them, and mythologize them after they fall.

Prashant Kishor: The Strategist Who Became the Contender

Politics is often narrated through the tales of charismatic leaders and their mass movements. Yet, the story of Prashant Kishor disrupts that narrative by foregrounding the rise of the political strategist turned leader, navigating the complex terrain of Indian democracy with a blend of data-driven pragmatism and ambitious idealism.

Kishor emerged from relative obscurity as a UN-trained public health specialist and soon became the architect behind some of India’s most pivotal electoral victories. His role in the 2014 Modi campaign was not just about crafting catchy slogans but reimagining political communication itself — introducing innovations like ‘Chai Pe Charcha’ that revolutionized voter engagement. However, Kishor’s relationship with existing political entities has always been fraught with tension. His departure from the BJP post-2014 underscores a dissonance between his vision of politics and the rigid structures of traditional parties.

What sets Kishor apart is his embodiment of a new kind of political actor — one who eschews ideology in favor of pragmatic governance reforms, yet struggles with the very challenge of defining a coherent ideological vision. His critical stance on caste politics and social justice marks his appeal to a section of the urban middle-class electorate weary of entrenched identity politics. Yet, this position also betrays a liberal blindness to the everyday realities of caste-based discrimination and inequality, raising questions about the inclusivity of his politique du futur.

The launch of Jan Suraj, Kishor’s own political platform, reflects both his ambition and the contradictions that haunt him. While he vocally rejects mass movements and grassroots mobilization as catalysts for change, his reliance on electoral data and personality-driven leadership makes the project vulnerable to scepticism about its depth and durability. His rallies, imbued with a Gandhian style of allying with the people, attempt to mask the absence of a broader, participatory political collective beyond his persona.

Kishor's ascendancy also symbolizes a deeper shift in Indian politics—the rise of the mercenary strategist, a corporate-like force that transforms elections into meticulously managed campaigns rather than ideological contests. This professionalization of politics, while enhancing electoral efficiency, risks reducing democracy to a game of numbers and optics, missing the embedded structures of power and social justice.

Key to understanding Kishor’s rise is his magnetic appeal among the aspirational upper-caste and urban middle class of Bihar. This constituency's longing for meritocracy, free from the perceived 'hindrance' of caste politics, finds a voice in Kishor's rhetoric. Yet, this vision is a double-edged sword — while promising progress and governance reform, it skirts the unfinished business of addressing caste-based inequalities that continue to shape social and economic life in India.

Ultimately, Prashant Kishor’s political journey remains a fascinating experiment - a collision of technocracy and mass politics, pragmatism, and ideology, charisma, and collectivity. Whether he can transcend his image as the master strategist to become a populist leader offering a truly transformative vision remains to be seen. The coming elections may well decide the future of this intriguing figure who has already changed the rules of Indian electoral politics.

Karnataka Police’s New Cap Story: From Outdated to Outstanding

For years, if you spotted a Karnataka constable in traffic, on parade, or in a monsoon downpour, you’d notice one thing right away — that wide, floppy slouch hat. It looked colonial, uncomfortable, and just plain tired. Well, not anymore.  

On October 28, 2025, the Karnataka Police finally decided to move on. At a grand ceremony attended by Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and Home Minister Dr. G. Parameshwara, they took off the slouch hats for good and put on their brand-new navy blue peak caps. And just like that, a 70-year-old tradition bowed out.  

Why the Change Matters  

Now, some people might think, “It’s just a cap.” But ask anyone who wears it for 10 hours a day, in heat and rain, and they’ll tell you — comfort matters. The slouch hat was stuffy and bulky. The new peak cap sits firm, feels lighter, and, let’s be honest, looks a lot smarter too.  

Designers borrowed the style from the Telangana Police. Green berets were tested but dropped because they made constables look like Scouts. Every little detail—down to removing service numbers from the hat and shifting them to shoulder badges—was meant to make the uniform sharper and hassle-free.  

It’s not just about headgear. It’s about identity. When a constable stands in the sun handling traffic, looking crisp and confident, people notice. And when people respect the uniform, morale automatically gets a lift.  

The Human Side  

Inside the force, there’s a quiet excitement. Younger constables are thrilled that they finally look as smart as their senior officers. Older ones, who lived through decades of wearing heavy slouch hats, say this change came late but came right.  

The Home Minister put it well — modernization isn’t just about equipment or caps; it’s also about mindset. A neat uniform should remind every officer that professionalism begins with discipline.  

More Than a Fashion Move  

Sure, the new cap adds style. But the bigger goal? Reform. Officials are linking it with better work ethics, cleaner policing, and initiatives like the state’s push for a drug-free Karnataka. The government wants the police to match their new look with new attitude — efficient, accountable, and people-friendly.  

If the old slouch hat stood for tradition and fatigue, the new peak cap stands for confidence and energy. This is Karnataka Police 2.0 — proud, modern, and ready to be seen in a fresh light.  

A Small Change with a Big Signal  

In the end, it’s not about a cap at all. It’s about what it represents. A constable on the street now wears something that feels right, looks right, and hopefully inspires him to do right.  

The slouch hat had its time. The navy peak cap has its moment now. Sometimes big reforms begin with small symbols — and this navy cap might just be one of them.  

Dr. Abdullah Omar Naseef: A Visionary Whose Faith Shaped Modern Islamic Thought

A Tribute by Jameel Ahmed Milansaar, Bangalore - INDIA, written on the occasion of the condolence meet organized by the Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhi.

In the solemn passing of Dr. Abdullah Omar Naseef on October 12, 2025, the Muslim world lost not merely a scholar or an administrator, but a visionary whose life was an eloquent testament to the marriage of faith and reason. Dr. Naseef, the former Secretary-General of the Muslim World League and President of King Abdulaziz University, emboldened the sacred mission of Islam with rigorous intellect and unwavering dedication. His legacy—embodied most visibly in the revolutionary management of the Hajj pilgrimage—speaks to a mind that refused complacency, a heart deeply attuned to the welfare of millions, and a soul constantly striving to seek harmony between the temporal and the eternal.

Few have harnessed the science of the modern age to serve the ancient rites as did Dr. Naseef. The Hajj crowd management system under his stewardship was not simply an administrative achievement; it was a profound act of service to humanity, safeguarding the spiritual journey of millions while navigating the formidable challenge of scale, safety, and logistical complexity. His approach fused modern mathematical modeling and social governance with deep reverence for sacred tradition. In this endeavor, he symbolized the fusion of two worlds—balancing the authenticity of faith with the sophistication of modern knowledge. For Dr. Naseef, innovation was never an enemy of piety; it was, rather, an extension of it.

Dr. Naseef’s vision reached far beyond the boundaries of institutions and offices. His engagement with the Muslim World League and similar bodies revealed a leader who grasped the urgent need for Islamic solidarity, intellectual renewal, and ethical leadership amid a fragmented ummah. In an age when divisions often overshadowed collective purpose, his voice called for dialogue and consensus. He believed that the revival of the Muslim world would not arise through rhetoric or nostalgia, but through institutions grounded in scholarship, education, and compassion. His leadership carried both administrative discipline and spiritual grace—a combination that made his presence deeply reassuring to those around him.

His journey took him across continents, establishing connections that transcended politics and nationality. In India, particularly among Muslim communities in Malegaon, Mumbai, and Bhiwandi, Dr. Naseef was received with warmth and affection. These visits were not ceremonial tours; they were heartfelt engagements rooted in the shared spiritual and intellectual heritage of the global Muslim community. He spoke to scholars, educators, and ordinary believers with equal respect, seeing in every individual the potential for contribution and renewal. Through his gentle demeanor and thoughtful dialogue, he rekindled the faith of many and reminded them that Islam’s strength lay in its inclusivity and its insistence on learning as a lifelong duty.

Though his maternal ties drew him towards New Delhi’s circles of learning and discourse—particularly among bodies such as the Institute of Objective Studies—his own intellectual compass pointed beyond geography. He was a bridge-builder by nature, fostering understanding between East and West, between the traditional seminaries and modern universities, and between the Muslim world and other faith communities. His diplomacy was not strategic but ethical, anchored in a conviction that mutual respect and knowledge exchange were the foundations of global peace.

Throughout his illustrious career, Dr. Naseef authored numerous scholarly writings and position papers. Though not widely publicized, his works were characterized by depth, precision, and an unmistakable sincerity of purpose. They revealed a thinker concerned less with academic acclaim and more with the transformation of minds and societies. In his writings, he argued that true leadership in Islam meant stewardship—an ethical guardianship over both knowledge and people. His words echoed the Qur’anic ideal of humanity as a trustee on earth, responsible for balance, justice, and mercy.

Dr. Naseef also championed education as the central axis of empowerment. Under his direction, King Abdulaziz University became not only an academic center but a hub for cross-cultural exchange and scientific research in the service of moral and humanitarian aims. He strengthened partnerships with institutions across the Muslim world, reaffirming that progress in science, medicine, and technology must walk hand in hand with spiritual awareness and ethical restraint. His vision anticipated today’s discussions on artificial intelligence, sustainable development, and bioethics, insisting that faith-guided wisdom must illuminate every scientific frontier.

In remembering Dr. Abdullah Omar Naseef, the ummah mourns a rare intellect guided by humility and a relentless pursuit of truth. He was a man who stood at the nexus of tradition and modernity, embodying the possibility that faith need not yield to modernity’s pressures but can thrive within and above them. The measured confidence with which he navigated international forums, his composure in interfaith dialogues, and his compassion for disenfranchised communities all reflected a belief that Islam’s spiritual message is inseparable from service and justice.

His death is a profound loss—not only for Saudi Arabia, where his institutional legacy endures in universities and ministries—but for anyone who believes in the enduring power of scholarship and service. For younger generations, his life story offers a roadmap: that leadership must be grounded in humility, that faith must partner with intellect, and that reform begins within the heart before reaching institutions and societies.

As we reflect on his life, may we carry forward his dedication to enlightened leadership—one that elevates humanity while honoring the divine. The lamp he lit continues to glow in the corridors of learning, in the aspirations of students, and in the renewed spirit of cooperation among global Muslim communities. His legacy is not a monument of stone but a living conscience, a call to think deeply, act justly, and serve selflessly.

Dr. Naseef’s journey reminds us that the truest measure of a scholar is not in the titles he receives but in the lives he uplifts. His memory endures as a beacon—illuminating paths where faith invigorates reason, and reason enriches faith—for the betterment of all humankind. May his legacy continue to inspire generations to come, and may his noble soul rest in eternal peace.

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A New Deal for Workers: Saudi Arabia’s Break with the Kafala System and Indian Jobs

My article on Saudi Arabia  officially abolishing its 50-year-old Kafala system, granting 13 million migrant workers greater freedom, labor mobility, and protection under historic labor reforms.

Jameel Aahmed Milansaar 

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Foreword

Saudi Arabia’s landmark labor reforms mark a historic break from the 50-year-old Kafala system. This piece compiles primary statements and official guidance surrounding the reforms, and weighs the implications for Indian migrants as the Kingdom pivots toward a rights-based, contract-centric labor market under Vision 2030.

In brief

Saudi Arabia has overhauled its old kafala framework, aiming to attract investment, boost productivity, and diversify the economy by empowering workers with mobility, standardized contracts, and digital governance of employment relationships. The reforms are designed to improve transparency, curb exploitation, and align with international labor standards while expanding private-sector opportunities for both migrants and Saudi nationals.

Opening context and framing

For decades, the kafala regime bound migrant workers to a sponsor, limiting movement and contract clarity. The new reform era reframes employment as a more clearly defined, contract-based relationship, with digital platforms guiding contracts, transfers, and dispute resolution. This shift aligns with Vision 2030’s goals of diversification, private-sector growth, and improved investment climate, while maintaining safeguards for worker welfare. The changes are being rolled out through official channels, with policy notes, press releases, and cabinet-level decisions published by state institutions and mirrored in international assessments of implementation.

Policy mechanics at a glance

- Mobility and contract standardization: Workers can switch employers more readily under standardized contracts stored and enforced via digital platforms, reducing room for exploitation and misclassification. This mobility is designed to empower workers to seek better wages and conditions and to enable employers to compete for talent more efficiently. The core concept is to replace opaque, bilateral arrangements with a transparent, contract-first framework that is monitored and enforceable through national systems. These shifts are reflected in official statements associated with the Labor Reform Initiative and the Qiwa digital ecosystem.

- Digital governance and dispute resolution: Contracts, transfers, and grievance mechanisms are increasingly managed through centralized digital channels. This approach aims to provide predictable processes, faster redress, and verifiable compliance for both workers and employers. Official communications emphasize transparency and due process as foundational pillars.

- Social protections and standards: While expanding worker rights, the reforms also frame social protections within existing and evolving regulatory structures, including social security and insurance mechanisms integrated with employer obligations. This balance seeks to safeguard migrant welfare while enabling a more dynamic labor market.

- Alignment with international standards: The reforms are framed as consistent with international labor standards and modernized governance practices, with oversight and reporting to international bodies where applicable. This alignment is intended to reassure foreign investors and partner nations about the credibility and fairness of the system.

Implications for Indian migrants

Mobility and bargaining power

- With improved portability and contract clarity, Indian workers may command better wage offers and safer working conditions. A more straightforward renewal pathway could shorten periods of underemployment and enable workers to pursue higher-skilled roles aligned with their qualifications.

Remittances and household welfare

- Stronger protections and clearer employment terms can stabilize incomes, potentially increasing remittance flows back home and supporting household consumption in sending regions.

Sectoral opportunities

- India’s engineers, IT professionals, healthcare workers, and skilled tradespeople could benefit from Saudi diversification into technology, renewables, hospitality, and manufacturing. This may translate into higher-skilled placements and longer-term career development in sectors with expanding demand.

Training, upskilling, and partnerships

- The reforms create opportunities for Indian training institutions and employers to collaborate on curricula, certification, and vocational pathways that match Saudi market needs, potentially opening avenues for joint programs and recognized credentials.

Risk considerations and cautions

- Implementation challenges: Early results will hinge on how consistently contract enforcement is applied, how disputes are resolved, and how living conditions are monitored across regions. Oversight gaps could temper gains for workers in the short term.

- Housing and welfare safeguards: Maintaining safe housing standards, timely wage payments, and access to grievance redress will require robust regulatory oversight, transparent reporting, and local accountability mechanisms.

Narrative arc and key quotes to illuminate the piece

- Foreword framing: Begin with the headline idea that the Kafala era is ending and a new, rights-based system is taking its place, supported by official statements about fairness, transparency, and diversification under Vision 2030.

- Mechanisms in practice: Explain how standardized contracts and digital governance (via platforms like Qiwa) operate, supplemented by direct quotes from primary sources where possible to ground the narrative in official language.

- Economic stakes: Tie the reforms to investment signals, productivity gains, and social protections, highlighting governance safeguards and enforcement measures that support a fairer labor market.

- Indian migrant focus: Center the pathways for Indian workers, detailing sectors of growth, training opportunities, and channels for redress, anchored by official statements on protections and rights.

- Global and regional context: Reference international observers’ perspectives on reforms and what this means for Gulf competition to attract talent and capital.

- Closing reflection: Conclude with a balanced view of promises and challenges, and a forward-looking note on what to monitor in the next 12–24 months, with a focus on migrant experiences and investor confidence.

Voice and style notes

- Tone: Informed, accessible, and narrative-driven, with a throughline that connects policy mechanics to the lived realities of workers and the bottom-line considerations of investors.

- Quotations: Integrate primary-source quotes from official outlets to anchor claims, translating where needed for readability.

- Human dimension: Mix macro analysis with representative migrant perspectives (translated if needed) to ground policy in lived experience.

- Data anchors: Where available, reference official statistics on migrant populations, sectoral employment, and implementation timelines to provide concrete context.

What this piece will deliver for readers

- A 1000-word, Delhi-Bangalore-translating narrative in a style reminiscent of contemporary, accessible Indian mainstream storytelling, with a focus on policy clarity, migrant welfare, and investor implications.

- Foregrounded primary-source quotes to ground assertions, while weaving in expert interpretation and practical takeaways for Indian migrants and their families.

- A balanced view that acknowledges both the reforms’ potential benefits and the practical challenges of execution, offering readers a clear sense of what to watch in the coming 12–24 months.

Note on scope options

- If a tighter 800–900 word piece focused on policy mechanics is preferred, the core sections can be condensed while preserving the central quotes and mechanics.

- If a broader 1100–1200 word narrative with more migrant voices and investor perspectives is desired, the article can incorporate more direct quotes from workers, employers, and policy officials, along with contextual anecdotes.

Primary-source grounding (suggested anchors to incorporate)

- Official statements and policy notes from the MHRSD on the Labor Reform Initiative and contract standards.

- Saudi Press Agency announcements detailing milestones, timelines, and framing within Vision 2030.

- General Organization for Social Insurance communications on retirement ages and contribution regimes as they intersect with migrant terms.

- Qiwa platform communications illustrating digital contracts, transfers, and dispute resolution in practice.

- Cabinet and royal orders published by SPA that position reforms within modernization, job creation, and market efficiency.

- International perspectives from ILO, IMF, and World Bank briefings referencing reforms and alignment with global standards.

Closing thought

The reform wave is more than a policy shift; it’s a testing ground for how a major Gulf economy renegotiates the terms of work with millions of migrants who power its growth. For Indian migrants, the changes promise clearer rules, more bargaining power, and new avenues for skill advancement—provided enforcement keeps pace with ambition. The next 12 to 24 months will reveal how effectively a digital, rights-based framework translates into real improvements in wages, safety, and opportunity.

The Glorious Art of Childhood Mischief

Jameel Aahmed Milansaar - Bangalore

9845498354

Let’s get one thing straight. If you look back at your childhood and all you can remember is being a well-behaved, obedient little angel who always finished their homework and never colored outside the lines, then I’m sorry, but you did it wrong. Childhood wasn’t meant to be a pristine resume for a future job application. It was meant to be a messy, glorious, and often hilarious training ground for life itself. And the primary subject in that school was mischief.

I grew up in an era that now feels almost prehistoric. It was a time before the internet, before everyone had fancy cameras and phones, and before our social lives were managed by algorithms. Our world was tangible. It was the dusty cricket pitch in the colony park, the excitement of discovering new secret paths through the alleys, and the forbidden allure of the neighbor's mango tree. We didn’t have trending challenges; we had to invent our own. And our greatest invention was trouble.

Think about it. What was the first real project you ever managed? I bet it wasn’t a school assignment. For me, it was what my friends and I called ‘the game we called ‘Ring and Run’.’ To the outside world, it was just a bunch of kids ringing doorbells and running away. To us, it was a high-stakes espionage mission. We were a team of commandos, operating deep in enemy territory. We had strategy sessions, designated roles, and contingency plans. The kid with the skinniest legs was the lookout. The fastest runner was the ‘ringer.’ My job? I was the ‘Chief Morale Officer,’ which basically meant I was the best at getting everyone to run faster by making funny faces. It was our very first super secret mission, and we felt like spies on a big adventure!

The real prize was getting a reaction from Mr. Verma, the grumpy retired army major on the first floor. The man had a voice that could make a glass of water tremble. We’d hide behind a car, hearts pounding like a drum solo, as our ringer made the dash. The moment that doorbell buzzed, a beautiful, loud and funny sound, we’d scatter like mice. Mr. Verma would storm out onto his balcony, survey the empty street with his hawk-like eyes, and yell, “I know it’s you, Raju! I’ll tell your father!” The joke was, none of us were named Raju. It made it ten times funnier. We weren’t just annoying a grumpy old man; we were creating a local legend, a ghost prankster named Raju who lived rent-free in Mr. Verma’s head.

And then there was the annual mango heist. In our neighborhood, Mrs. Gupta’s mango tree was the Fort Knox of fruit. Her mangoes were rumored to have been blessed by the gods themselves. They were plump, golden, and tasted like sunshine. But Mrs. Gupta guarded them like crown jewels. She had a dog, a high wall, and a network of neighborhood aunties who acted as her CCTV cameras. It wasn’t just about the mangoes, it was about teamwork, courage, and having fun together.

Stealing those mangoes wasn’t just about the fruit. It was a rite of passage. It was our version of climbing Mount Everest. We’d spend days planning the operation, drawing maps in the dirt, and fashioning long, clumsy hooks out of sticks and wire. We’d wait for that magical hour in the afternoon when the world was asleep, and the only sound was the gentle hum of a distant cooler.

I remember one fateful attempt. Our designated climber, a skinny kid named Amit who could climb walls like a monkey, was perched on the branch. He had just hooked the biggest and juiciest mango, the king of all fruits. As he was lowering it down, a window creaked open. It was Mrs. Gupta. Time froze. Amit, in a moment of pure, unadulterated panic, did the only thing he could think of: he threw the mango at the dog.

The dog, a lazy old Labrador who had never moved faster than a gentle trot, yelped in surprise. The mango exploded on the ground. Mrs. Gupta screamed. We ran. We ran for our lives, our hearts filled with a strange mix of terror and hysterical laughter. We didn’t get the mango, but we got something better: a story. A story we would tell for years, each time with more dramatic flair. Amit went from being a clumsy thief to a heroic warrior who sacrificed the treasure to save his comrades.

Reflecting on it now, I realize that these acts of mischief were our first lessons in so many things. ‘The game we called ‘Ring and Run’’ was a masterclass in teamwork and risk assessment. The mango heist taught us about strategy, failure, and the importance of a good escape route. When we’d put a pin on the teacher’s chair (a classic, I know), we were learning about cause and effect, albeit in a way that often resulted in us standing outside the classroom.

We were learning to be creative, to solve problems, and to navigate the complex social dynamics of our little world. We were learning to be leaders, followers, and occasionally, scapegoats. We were learning that failure isn’t the end, but often the beginning of a much better story.

Today, I see kids glued to their screens, their fingers flying across a digital world. I’m sure they have their own versions of mischief, their own digital pranks and online shenanigans. And I hope they do. Because mischief is the spark of creativity. It’s the little bit of rebellion that reminds us that rules are sometimes just suggestions. It’s the part of us that dares to ask, "what if?"

So, if you’re a parent, and you catch your kid trying to build a catapult to launch water balloons into the neighbor’s yard, maybe take a moment before you shut it down. They’re not just making a mess. They’re being engineers. They’re being physicists. They’re being glorious, unfiltered, and utterly brilliant little devils. And thirty years from now, they might just write an article about it.

This refined version maintains the charm and humor of childhood mischief while using language and narrative flow more accessible and engaging for young readers, encouraging them to see mischief as a joyful part of learning and creativity.

The General Who Wouldn't Fight: Prashant Kishor's Bihar Gambit—Masterstroke or Admission of Defeat?

My Take on Prashant Kishor declaring that he will not contest the upcoming assembly polls.

Jameel Aahmed Milansaar,
Bangalore.
Mobile : 9845498354

In a political theatre as raucous and unpredictable as Bihar, the script rarely follows the expected plot. The latest twist comes from Prashant Kishor, the master strategist who, after years of orchestrating victories for others, was meant to be the protagonist of his own political epic. Yet, just as the curtain was set to rise on his electoral debut, Kishor has abruptly walked off the stage, declaring he will not contest the upcoming assembly polls. This is no mere casting change; it’s a strategic pivot that compels us to look beyond the footlights and question the very nature of the play he intends to direct.

The official line, delivered with Kishor’s characteristic blend of confidence and dismissiveness, is that the party’s collective wisdom prevailed. Contesting a single seat, he argues, would have been a "distraction," a tactical error that would have tethered him to one constituency while the larger battle for Bihar raged on. The party, Jan Suraaj, decided its founder was more valuable as a commander overseeing the entire war than as a soldier fighting in a single trench. This narrative frames the decision as a sacrifice—a leader stepping back for the greater good of the nascent political movement he has painstakingly built through his two-year-long padayatra. But in politics, especially when the strategist is Prashant Kishor, the stated reason is often just the beginning of the story.
The Strategy Behind the Sidestep


Kishor's decision has fundamentally recalibrated his party's electoral strategy. Instead of being the face on the ballot, he now positions himself as the sole architect of the campaign, free to traverse the state and amplify his message. This allows Jan Suraaj to frame the election not as a vote for a single personality, but as a referendum on a new model of governance. The party has audaciously set its target at an all-or-nothing 150 seats, with Kishor vowing that anything less would signify a failure to win the people's trust. By removing himself from the direct fray, particularly a high-stakes, caste-loaded contest against Tejashwi Yadav in Raghopur, Kishor sidesteps a trap that could have defined him narrowly while allowing him to maintain a broader, more ideological appeal.


Future Plans: The Kingmaker’s Gambit


So, what does the future hold for a leader who declines to lead from the front? Kishor’s plan is clear: to pour all his energy into achieving a decisive mandate for Jan Suraaj. He is not hedging his bets or seeking a post-poll alliance. His public pronouncements suggest a binary outcome: a sweeping victory that establishes his party as the dominant force in Bihar, or a marginal presence that sends him back to the drawing board. He has promised that a Jan Suraaj government would prosecute the 100 most corrupt officials and politicians in the state within a month, a populist promise aimed at capturing the electorate's deep-seated frustration. His ambition extends beyond Bihar; he believes a victory here would reorient national politics, making Patna the new center of political gravity.


Political analysts are divided on how to interpret this move. Some see it as a shrewd, calculated retreat. By avoiding a personal contest, Kishor elevates himself above the messy fray of constituency-level politics, preserving his aura as a detached strategist. This view suggests he is avoiding a potential personal defeat that could have fatally wounded his political project before it truly began. It allows him to test his party's organizational strength without risking his own political capital.


Others, however, see a sign of weakness. His critics, particularly from the rival RJD, BJP, and JD(U) camps, have wasted no time in branding him a coward who "accepted defeat even before going to the battlefield". They argue that a true leader leads from the front and that Kishor's refusal to contest reveals a lack of confidence in his own ability to win a popular vote. This camp interprets the decision as an admission that the groundswell of support he claims to have is not strong enough to guarantee his own victory.


The People’s Verdict


While Kishor’s allies within Jan Suraaj have publicly backed the decision as a strategic necessity, the reaction among Bihar's voters is more complex and will ultimately be the only one that matters. For his dedicated followers, this move reinforces his image as a selfless leader committed to a larger cause. They see it as proof that his fight is for systemic change, not personal power. However, for the uncommitted voter, it may sow seeds of doubt. In a state where political leadership is intensely personal, the absence of the main leader from the ballot could be perceived as a lack of serious intent.


Prashant Kishor has rolled the dice. He has traded the uncertain glory of a personal electoral battle for the ambitious goal of conquering the entire state from the command center. He has chosen to be the author of the story, not its hero. Whether this leads to a political bestseller or a forgotten manuscript will be decided by the people of Bihar in the coming weeks.

میدان سے باہر، مگر کھیل کے اندر: پرشانت کشور کا نیا سیاسی محاذ - منصوبہ ساز کا داؤ: لڑے بغیر جنگ جیتنے کی تیاری؟

جمیل آحمد ملنسار - موبائل 9845498354

بہار جیسے شور انگیز اور غیر متوقع سیاسی تھیٹر میں، اسکرپٹ شاذ و نادر ہی متوقع پلاٹ پر چلتی ہے۔ تازہ ترین موڑ پرشانت کشور کی طرف سے آیا ہے، وہ ماسٹر اسٹریٹجسٹ جو دوسروں کے لیے برسوں تک فتوحات کا اہتمام کرنے کے بعد، خود اپنی سیاسی داستان کا مرکزی کردار بننے والے تھے۔ لیکن جیسے ہی ان کے انتخابی آغاز کا پردہ اٹھنے والا تھا، کشور نے اچانک اسٹیج چھوڑ دیا اور اعلان کیا کہ وہ آنے والے اسمبلی انتخابات میں حصہ نہیں لیں گے۔ یہ محض کردار کی تبدیلی نہیں ہے؛ یہ ایک ایسا اسٹریٹجک موڑ ہے جو ہمیں مجبور کرتا ہے کہ ہم ظاہری منظر سے آگے دیکھیں اور اس کھیل کی اصل نوعیت پر سوال اٹھائیں جس کی وہ ہدایت کاری کا ارادہ رکھتے ہیں۔

اصل موقف، جو کشور کے مخصوص اعتماد اور بے نیازی کے امتزاج کے ساتھ پیش کیا گیا، یہ ہے کہ پارٹی کی اجتماعی دانش غالب آ گئی۔ ان کا تَرْک ہے کہ ایک سیٹ پر انتخاب لڑنا ایک "بھٹکاؤ" ہوتا، ایک ایسی حکمتِ عملی کی غلطی جو انہیں ایک حلقے تک محدود کر دیتی جبکہ بہار کی بڑی جنگ جاری رہتی۔ پارٹی، 'جن سوراج'، نے فیصلہ کیا کہ اس کے بانی کی حیثیت ایک خندق میں لڑنے والے سپاہی کے بجائے پوری جنگ کی نگرانی کرنے والے کمانڈر کے طور پر زیادہ قیمتی ہے۔ یہ بیانیہ اس فیصلے کو ایک قربانی کے طور پر پیش کرتا ہے - ایک لیڈر جو اپنی اس نوزائیدہ سیاسی تحریک کی بھلائی کے لیے پیچھے ہٹ رہا ہے جسے اس نے دو سالہ طویل پدیاترا کے ذریعے بڑی محنت سے کھڑا کیا ہے۔ لیکن سیاست میں، خاص طور پر جب حکمت عملی ساز پرشانت کشور ہوں، تو بیان کردہ وجہ اکثر کہانی کا صرف آغاز ہوتی ہے۔

پسپائی کے پیچھے کی حکمتِ عملی

کشور کے فیصلے نے بنیادی طور پر ان کی پارٹی کی انتخابی حکمتِ عملی کو از سر نو ترتیب دیا ہے۔ پوسٹر پر صرف اک چہرہ بننے کے بجائے، وہ اب خود کو مہم کے واحد معمار کے طور پر پیش کر رہے ہیں، جو ریاست بھر میں سفر کرنے اور اپنے پیغام کو پھیلانے کے لیے آزاد ہیں۔ اس سے 'جن سوراج' کو انتخاب کو ایک شخصیت کے لیے ووٹ کے طور پر نہیں، بلکہ طرزِ حکمرانی کے ایک نئے ماڈل پر ریفرنڈم کے طور پر پیش کرنے کا موقع ملتا ہے۔ پارٹی نے جرات مندی سے اپنا ہدف 150 سیٹوں کا رکھا ہے، اور کشور نے عزم ظاہر کیا ہے کہ اس سے کم کچھ بھی عوام کا اعتماد جیتنے میں ناکامی کی علامت ہوگا۔ خود کو براہ راست مقابلے سے ہٹا کر، خاص طور پر راگھوپور میں تیجسوی یادو کے خلاف ایک ذات پات پر مبنی ہائی اسٹیک مقابلے سے بچ کر، کشور نے ایک ایسے جال سے خود کو بچا لیا ہے جو انہیں محدود کر سکتا تھا، جبکہ انہیں ایک وسیع تر، نظریاتی اپیل برقرار رکھنے کی اجازت دیتا ہے۔

مستقبل کے منصوبے: کِنگ میکر کا داؤ

تو، اس لیڈر کا مستقبل کیا ہے جو سامنے سے قیادت کرنے سے انکار کرتا ہے؟ کشور کا منصوبہ واضح ہے: اپنی تمام توانائی 'جن سوراج' کے لیے ایک فیصلہ کُن مینڈیٹ حاصل کرنے پر صرف کرنا۔ وہ کوئی شرط نہیں لگا رہے ہیں اور نہ ہی انتخابات کے بعد کسی اتحاد کی تلاش میں ہیں۔ ان کے عوامی اعلانات ایک دو ٹوک نتیجے کی نشاندہی کرتے ہیں: یا تو ایک زبردست فتح جو بہار میں ان کی پارٹی کو غالب قوت کے طور پر قائم کرے گی، یا پھر ایک معمولی موجودگی جو انہیں واپس منصوبہ بندی کی میز پر بھیج دے گی۔ انہوں نے وعدہ کیا ہے کہ اگر 'جن سوراج' کی حکومت بنی تو وہ ایک ماہ کے اندر ریاست کے 100 سب سے بدعنوان سیاستدانوں اور بیوروکریٹس پر مقدمہ چلائے گی، یہ ایک ایسا عوامی وعدہ ہے جس کا مقصد ووٹروں کی گہری مایوسی کو اپنی طرف متوجہ کرنا ہے۔ ان کا عزم بہار سے آگے تک پھیلا ہوا ہے؛ انہیں یقین ہے کہ یہاں ایک فتح قومی سیاست کا رُخ بدل دے گی اور پٹنہ کو سیاسی کشش کا نیا مرکز بنا دے گی۔

تجزیہ کاروں کی نظر: ماسٹر اسٹروک یا غلطی؟

سیاسی تجزیہ کار اس اقدام کی تشریح پر منقسم ہیں۔ کچھ اسے ایک شاطرانہ، سوچا سمجھا قدم سمجھتے ہیں۔ ذاتی مقابلے سے بچ کر، کشور خود کو حلقے کی سطح کی گندی سیاست سے اوپر اٹھاتے ہیں، اور ایک غیر جانبدار حکمت عملی ساز کے طور پر اپنی ساکھ کو محفوظ رکھتے ہیں۔ یہ نظریہ بتاتا ہے کہ وہ ایک ممکنہ ذاتی شکست سے بچ رہے ہیں جو ان کے سیاسی منصوبے کو شروع ہونے سے پہلے ہی مہلک طور پر زخمی کر سکتی تھی۔

تاہم، دوسرے اسے کمزوری کی علامت کے طور پر دیکھتے ہیں۔ ان کے ناقدین، خاص طور پر حریف RJD، BJP، اور JD(U) کے کیمپوں نے، انہیں ایک بزدل قرار دینے میں کوئی وقت ضائع نہیں کیا جو "میدانِ جنگ میں جانے سے پہلے ہی شکست تسلیم کر گیا"۔ ان کا تَرْک ہے کہ ایک سچا لیڈر سامنے سے قیادت کرتا ہے اور کشور کا انتخاب نہ لڑنے کا فیصلہ ان کی اپنی مقبولیت پر اعتماد کی کمی کو ظاہر کرتا ہے۔

عوام کا فیصلہ اور اتحادیوں کا ردِ عمل

جہاں 'جن سوراج' کے اندر کشور کے اتحادیوں نے عوامی طور پر اس فیصلے کو ایک اسٹریٹجک ضرورت کے طور پر حمایت دی ہے، وہیں بہار کے ووٹروں میں ردِ عمل زیادہ پیچیدہ ہے۔ ان کے سرشار حامیوں کے لیے، یہ اقدام ایک بے لوث رہنما کے طور پر ان کی شبیہ کو تقویت دیتا ہے جو ایک بڑے مقصد کے لیے پرعزم ہے۔ وہ اسے اس بات کا ثبوت سمجھتے ہیں کہ ان کی لڑائی ذاتی طاقت کے لیے نہیں، بلکہ نظامی تبدیلی کے لیے ہے۔ تاہم، غیر جانبدار ووٹروں کے لیے، یہ شک کے بیج بو سکتا ہے۔ ایک ایسی ریاست میں جہاں سیاسی قیادت شدید طور پر ذاتی ہوتی ہے، پوسٹر پر صرف اک سے مرکزی رہنما کی غیر موجودگی کو سنجیدگی کی کمی کے طور پر سمجھا جا سکتا ہے۔

پرشانت کشور نے پانسہ پھینک دیا ہے۔ انہوں نے ایک ذاتی انتخابی جنگ کی غیر یقینی شان کو کمانڈ سینٹر سے پوری ریاست کو فتح کرنے کے عظیم ہدف کے لیے قربان کر دیا ہے۔ انہوں نے کہانی کا ہیرو بننے کے بجائے اس کا مصنف بننے کا انتخاب کیا ہے۔ یہ فیصلہ ایک سیاسی بیسٹ سیلر کی طرف لے جائے گا یا ایک بھولی بسری داستان بن کر رہ جائے گا، اس کا فیصلہ آنے والے ہفتوں میں بہار کے عوام کریں گے۔

The Indian Madrasa at a Crossroads: A Millennium of Learning in a Modern Republic

Jameel Aahmed Milansaar

15th Oct 2025. 10:00 p.m

Sub-headline:
An analysis of the madrasa’s historical journey from cosmopolitan hub to colonial-era bastion, its contemporary social function, and the urgent need for an educational synthesis of tradition and modernity.

When we discuss the madrasa in India, we are engaging with the very soul of our intellectual heritage on the subcontinent, a legacy woven through a millennium of history, adaptation, and immense struggle. To understand its present, we must appreciate its past. The story begins almost with the advent of Muslim civilization in the region, with the first madrasas established by the 12th century. At their zenith during the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal eras, these were not one-dimensional seminaries, but the great universities of their time—cosmopolitan hubs of immense intellectual energy where logic, philosophy, mathematics, and medicine were studied with the same fervor as Qur'anic exegesis and jurisprudence. The chronicles speak of a thousand madrasas in Delhi alone under the Tughlaqs, a city whose very skyline was defined by the domes of scholarship. This was our heritage.

With the collapse of Mughal suzerainty and the catastrophe of colonialism, our institutions faced an existential crisis. It was in the crucible of this moment that our scholars, in acts of profound foresight, moved to preserve the core of our faith. In the North, this response famously culminated in the establishment of Darul Uloom Deoband in 1866. But a parallel and equally momentous development was unfolding in the South. As the fires of the 1857 rebellion raged across the North, Shah Abdul Wahhab founded the Baqiyat Salihat Arabic College in Vellore, Tamil Nadu. This institution, rightly earning the title Umm-ul-Madaris (Mother of Madrasas) in the South, became a spiritual and academic wellspring. Its graduates, known as Baqavis, would go on to establish hundreds of learning centers not only across South India but as far as Sri Lanka, Malaysia, and Indonesia, demonstrating the resilience and pan-Asian vision of our intellectual tradition. Both Deoband and Baqiyat Salihat championed the Dars-e-Nizami curriculum, becoming twin pillars in the project of preserving Islamic learning.

Today, this inherited landscape is one of profound and uncomfortable contrasts. India is home to an estimated 24,000 madrasas, but this number masks a deep heterogeneity. For every shining example of a resource-rich institution successfully integrating mainstream subjects, there are hundreds of small, independent madrasas in rural heartlands, struggling valiantly against the crushing weight of poverty and neglect. At the heart of our internal struggle lies the Dars-e-Nizami itself. Once lauded for its inclusion of rational sciences, it is now the axis of a great debate between esteemed scholars who argue, with justification, for preserving its rigor, and sincere reformists who call for the urgent integration of modern sciences to equip our children for the world they will inherit. This internal debate is complicated by external pressures, with governmental schemes oscillating between genuine aid and bureaucratic overreach, creating a climate of mistrust. The question that haunts us is how to achieve a balance between preservation and progress without compromising the theological integrity our forefathers fought to protect.

We must also acknowledge the sacred function our madrasas fulfill. They are, for vast segments of our community, the only gateway to education—a lifeline of literacy and moral training for the poorest of the poor. This is a tremendous service. However, we must confront the painful gap between aspiration and outcome. We have a sacred trust—an amanah—to these children. Are we truly fulfilling it if we give them knowledge of the deen but leave them unequipped to navigate the dunya? The issue is not merely pedagogical; it is political, touching upon the raw nerves of minority rights and cultural autonomy. The wisest of our institutions are responding not with reaction, but with proactive, organic reform on their own terms, forging partnerships with mainstream universities to create pathways for their students.

The historical and contemporary journey of the madrasa in India is thus one of creative negotiation. The challenge before our community, the state, and the wider nation remains to institutionalize reforms that foster critical thought, economic opportunity, and civic integration. This is not about erasing our past, but about being worthy of it. It is about rediscovering the spirit of our own golden age, where revelation and reason were two wings of the same bird. Bridging this gap is not an act of surrender, but the forging of an educational synthesis that is true to the genius of Indian Islam and beneficial for the future of our children in the reality of the republic.

ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ–ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದಂಗೆಗಳು: ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಬಳಿಕ ನಿಧಾನಗತಿಯ ನ್ಯಾಯ, ಕಠಿಣ ಪಾಠಗಳು

ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ–ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದಂಗೆಗಳು: ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಬಳಿಕ ನಿಧಾನಗತಿಯ ನ್ಯಾಯ, ಕಠಿಣ ಪಾಠಗಳು.

ಲೇಖನ: ಜಮೀಲ್ ಅಹ್ಮದ್ ಮಿಲಾನ್ಸಾರ್, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು

ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ದೀರ್ಘ ಮತ್ತು ಕಠಿಣ ಕಾನೂನು ಹೋರಾಟದ ನಂತರ, ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದಂಗೆ ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೊನೆಗೂ ಆಶಾದೀಪ ಹೊತ್ತಿದೆ. ಆರೋಪಿ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆ 24 ಕರೀಂ ಸದ್ದಾಂ ಮತ್ತು ಆರೋಪಿ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆ 6 ಜಿಯಾ–ಉರ್–ರಹ್ಮಾನ್ ಇವರಿಗೆ ಭಾರತದ ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯ ಇತ್ತೀಚಿಗೆ ಜಾಮೀನು ನೀಡಿರುವುದು ಅತ್ಯಂತ ಸ್ವಾಗತಾರ್ಹ ಬೆಳವಣಿಗೆ. ಯುಎಪಿಎ ಎಂಬ ಕಠೋರ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಯಡಿ ಜಾಮೀನು ಸಂಪಾದಿಸುವುದು ಬಹುತೇಕ ಅಸಾಧ್ಯವಾಗಿದ್ದ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ, ತನ್ನವರ ಬಿಡುಗಡೆಗಾಗಿ ವರ್ಷಗಳಿಂದ ಕಾತರದಿಂದ ಕಾಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳಿಗೆ ಈ ತೀರ್ಮಾನವು ನಿಜಕ್ಕೂ ಉಸಿರಾಟದ ವಿಶ್ರಾಂತಿ. ಆದರೂ, ಈ ಹಗುರದ ಕ್ಷಣವು ದುರಂತದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಪರಿಶೀಲನೆಗೂ ಆಹ್ವಾನ ನೀಡುತ್ತದೆ—ಹಿಂಸೆಯು ಏಕೆ ಸ್ಫೋಟಿಸಿತು, ನ್ಯಾಯವಿತರಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಏಕೆ ಅತಿಯಾದ ವಿಳಂಬವಾಯಿತು, ಮತ್ತು ಈ ಘಟನೆಯಿಂದ ನಾವು ಕಲಿಯಲೇಬೇಕಾದ ಪಾಠಗಳೇನು.

ಪ್ರಚೋದನೆಯಿಂದ ಹಿಂಸೆಯವರೆಗೆ

2020ರ ಆಗಸ್ಟ್ 11ರ ರಾತ್ರಿ, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ವ್ಯಾಪ್ತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದ ಘಟನೆ ಕೇವಲ ‘ದಂಗೆ’ ಮಾತ್ರವಲ್ಲ; ಅದು ದೀರ್ಘಕಾಲದಿಂದ ಕದ್ದಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಅಶಾಂತಿ, ಯೋಚಿಸಿಕೊಂಡ ಪ್ರಚೋದನೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಆಡಳಿತ ವೈಫಲ್ಯದ ಕಡು ಮುಖವನ್ನೇ ಬಯಲಿಗೆಳೆದಿತ್ತು. ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ಸಿನ ಶಾಸಕರಾದ ಅಖಂಡ ಶ್ರೀನಿವಾಸ ಮೂರ್ತಿ ಅವರ ಅಳಿಯನಿಂದ (ಅಭಿಯೋಗ ಪ್ರಕಾರ) ಪ್ರವಾದಿ ಮುಹಮ್ಮದ್‌ರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಮಾಧ್ಯಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಾಕಲ್ಪಟ್ಟ ಧರ್ಮನಿಂದನಕಾರಿ ಪೋಸ್ಟ್ ಈ ಘಟನೆಯ ಉರಿಮಣಿಯಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಅಪರಾಧಿಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ತಕ್ಷಣದ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂದು ಆಗ್ರಹಿಸಿ ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಠಾಣೆ ಎದುರು 25–30 ಜನರ ಶಾಂತ ಗುಂಪು ಕೂಡಿದ ಕ್ಷಣದಿಂದಲೇ ಪರಿಸ್ಥಿತಿ ನಿಯಂತ್ರಣ ತಪ್ಪಿತು. ಸಾವಿರಾರು ಮಂದಿ ಗುಂಪಾಗಿ ಡಿ.ಜೆ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ಠಾಣೆಗಳ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಶಾಸಕರ ನಿವಾಸದ ಮೇಲೂ ದಾಳಿ ನಡೆಸಿ, ಕಲ್ಲೆಸೆತ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆಂಕಿಗಾಹುತಿಗೊಳಿಸುವ ಕೃತ್ಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ತೊಡಗಿದರು. ಪೊಲೀಸ್ ಇಲಾಖೆ ಕರಫ್ಯೂ ಜಾರಿ ಮಾಡಿ, ಅಂತಿಮವಾಗಿ ಗುಂಡು ಹಾರಿಸಬೇಕಾದ ಸ್ಥಿತಿ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣವಾಯಿತು; ಇದರ ಪರಿಣಾಮವಾಗಿ ಮೂವರು ಸಾವನ್ನಪ್ಪಿದರು, 50 ಕ್ಕೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಮಂದಿ ಗಾಯಗೊಂಡರು. ನಾಡಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಹೆಚ್ಚುತ್ತಿರುವ ಅಸಹಿಷ್ಣುತೆಯೂ, ಕಾನೂನನ್ನು ಜನರು ಕೈಗೆ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ಅಪಾಯಕಾರಿ ಪ್ರವೃತ್ತಿಯೂ ಈ ಘಟನೆಯ ಮೂಲಕ ಸ್ಪಷ್ಟವಾಗಿ ಗೋಚರಿಸಿತು.

ಬಂಧనలు, UAPA ಮತ್ತು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಂಗ ವಿಳಂಬ

ಘಟನೆಯ ನಂತರ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಪೊಲೀಸರು ದೊಡ್ಡ ಪ್ರಮಾಣದ ಬಂಧನಗಳನ್ನಾರಂಭಿಸಿ, ಒಟ್ಟು 199 ಜನರನ್ನು ಆರೋಪಿ ಪಟ್ಟಿಗೆ ಸೇರಿಸಿದರು. 2020ರ ಸೆಪ್ಟೆಂಬರ್ 21ರಂದು ಪ್ರಕರಣವನ್ನು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ತನಿಖಾ ಏಜೆನ್ಸಿ (ಎನ್‌ಐಎ)ಗೆ ಹಸ್ತಾಂತರಿಸಲಾಯಿತು; ಬಳಿಕ 138 ಮಂದಿಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಆರೋಪಪಟ್ಟಿ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. ಯುಎಪಿಎ (ಅನಧಿಕೃತ ಚಟುವಟಿಕೆಗಳು ತಡೆ ಕಾಯ್ದೆ) ವಿಧಿಸಲಾಗಿದ ಪರಿಣಾಮ ಪ್ರಕರಣದ ಸ್ವಭಾವವೇ ‘ದಂಗೆ’ಯಿಂದ ‘ಭಯೋತ್ಪಾದಕ ಕೃತ್ಯ’ದ ವರ್ಗಕ್ಕೆ ಎತ್ತಲ್ಪಟ್ಟಂತಾಯಿತು. ಯುಎಪಿಎ ಅಡಿಯಲ್ಲಿ, ಅಭಿಯೋಗದ ಪ್ರಕರಣ ‘ಮೊದಲ ನೋಟಕ್ಕೆ’ ಸತ್ಯವೆಂದು ತೋರಿ ಬರುವಂತಿದ್ದರೆ ಜಾಮೀನು ನಿರಾಕರಿಸಬಹುದೆಂಬ ನಿಯಮದಿಂದಾಗಿ, ಬಹುತೇಕ ಆರೋಪಿ ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಕಾಲ ಜೈಲಿನಲ್ಲೇ ಕಾಯ್ದಿರಿಸಲ್ಪಟ್ಟರು. 2025ರ ಮೇನಲ್ಲಿ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಹೈಕೋರ್ಟ್ 14 ಮಂದಿ ಆರೋಪಿಗಳ ಯುಎಪಿಎ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಯ ವಿಧಿಗಳನ್ನು ರದ್ದುಪಡಿಸುವ ಮನವಿಯನ್ನು ತಿರಸ್ಕರಿಸಿತು; ‘ಅದು ಅತಿದುರ್ಲಭ ಪ್ರಕರಣವಲ್ಲ’ವೆಂದು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯ ಹೇಳಿದ ಈ ತೀರ್ಮಾನ ಎನ್‌ಐಎ ನಿಲುವಿಗೆ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಂಗದ ಗೌರವವನ್ನು ಸೂಚಿಸಿದರೂ, ಆರೋಪಿ ನಾಗರಿಕರ ಮೂಲಭೂತ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳೂ, ‘ಸಮಯೋಚಿತ ನ್ಯಾಯ’ ಎಂಬ ತತ್ತ್ವವೂ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗೆ ಒಳಗಾಗುವ ಸ್ಥಿತಿ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣವಾಯಿತು.

ತೀರ್ಪುಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಆಶೆಯ ಕಿರಣ

2025ರ ಜುಲೈನಲ್ಲಿ, ಸುನಿಶ್ಚಿತ ತೀರ್ಪಿನ ದಿಕ್ಕಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಮೊದಲ ಹೆಜ್ಜೆಯಾಗಿ ಮೂವರು ಆರೋಪಿ—ಸಯೀದ್ ಇಕ್ರಮುದ್ದೀನ್, ಸಯೀದ್ ಅತಿಫ್ ಮತ್ತು ಮೊಹಮ್ಮದ್ ಅತಿಫ್—ಎನ್‌ಐಎ ವಿಶೇಷ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ಮುಂದೆ ತಪ್ಪೊಪ್ಪಿಕೊಂಡರು. ಅವರಿಗೆ ತಲಾ ಏಳು ವರ್ಷದ ಕಠಿಣ ಕಾರಾಗೃಹ ಶಿಕ್ಷೆಯ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ₹36,000 ದಂಡ ವಿಧಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. 2020ರ ಆಗಸ್ಟ್‌ನಿಂದ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಂಗ ಬಂಧನದಲ್ಲಿ ಕಳೆದ ಐದು ವರ್ಷಗಳನ್ನು ಶಿಕ್ಷೆ ಎದುರಿಗೆ ‘ಸರಿಹೊಂದಿಸಿದ’ ಕಾರಣ, ಇನ್ನೂ ಎರಡು ವರ್ಷ ಶಿಕ್ಷೆ ಅನುಭವಿಸಬೇಕಾಗಿದೆ. ಇದಕ್ಕಿಂತಲೂ ಮಹತ್ವದ್ದಾಗಿ, 2025ರ ಅಕ್ಟೋಬರ್ 7ರಂದು ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯ ಇಬ್ಬರು ಆರೋಪಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಜಾಮೀನು ನೀಡಿದ ತೀರ್ಮಾನ ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರ್ಣಾಯಕ ಮುರಿದೊಡೆತದಂತೆ ಕಾರ್ಯನಿರ್ವಹಿಸಿ, ಉಳಿದ ವಿಚಾರಣಾಧೀನ ಕೈದಿಗಳ ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಮರುಆಶೆಯ ಅಲೆ ಎಬ್ಬಿಸಿದೆ.

ಪಾಠಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಮುಂದಿನ ದಾರಿ

ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿ ದುರಂತವು ಭವಿಷ್ಯಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಹಲವು ಕಠಿಣ ಪಾಠಗಳನ್ನು ನೀಡುತ್ತದೆ. ಮೊದಲನೆಯದಾಗಿ, ತಿರಸ್ಕಾರಕಾರಿ ಅಥವಾ ಪ್ರಚೋದಕ ವಿಷಯಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ತಕ್ಷಣದ ಮತ್ತು ಕಠಿಣ ಕಾನೂನು ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುವುದು ಅತ್ಯಗತ್ಯ, ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಅದರಿಂದ ಸ್ವಯಂನ್ಯಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಯಾವುದೇ ನೆಪವೇ ದೊರೆಯಬಾರದು. ಎರಡನೆಯದಾಗಿ, ಪೋಲಿಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಆಡಳಿತ ಯಂತ್ರಗಳು ಸಂವೇದನಾಶೀಲ ಪರಿಸ್ಥಿತಿಗಳನ್ನು ಸಮರ್ಥವಾಗಿ ನಿಭಾಯಿಸಿ, ಪ್ರಾಣಾಪಾಯ ಉಂಟಾಗದ ವಿಧಾನಗಳಿಂದ ಜನಸಮೂಹವನ್ನು ಚದುರಿಸುವ ತರಬೇತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಸಂಪನ್ಮೂಲಗಳಿಂದ ಸಜ್ಜಾಗಬೇಕು. ಮೂರನೆಯದಾಗಿ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳು ಇಂತಹ ಘಟನೆಗಳನ್ನು ರಾಜಕೀಯಗೊಳಿಸುವುದನ್ನು ಬಿಟ್ಟು, ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದವನ್ನು ಬೆಳೆಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ರಚನಾತ್ಮಕ ಪಾತ್ರವಹಿಸಬೇಕು. ಕೊನೆಗೆ, ನ್ಯಾಯವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಇನ್ನಷ್ಟು ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ಷಮವಾಗಿಯೂ ಪಾರದರ್ಶಕವಾಗಿಯೂ ರೂಪಾಂತರಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕಿದೆ, ಆಗಲೇ ‘ಸಮಯೋಚಿತ ನ್ಯಾಯ’ ಖಚಿತವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಕೆ.ಜಿ. ಹಲ್ಲಿಯ ಘಟನೆ ನಮ್ಮಿಗೆ ನೀಡಿರುವ ಗಂಭೀರ ಎಚ್ಚರಿಕೆ ಸ್ಪಷ್ಟ: ಸಮಾಜ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಮತ್ತು ಆಡಳಿತ ಎಂಬ ಮೂರು ವಲಯಗಳ ಪ್ರತಿಕ್ರಿಯೆಗಳನ್ನು ನಾವು ಸಮಗ್ರವಾಗಿ ಮರುಪರಿಶೀಲಿಸದಿದ್ದರೆ, ಇಂತಹ ವಿನಾಶಕಾರಿ ಘಟನೆಗಳು ಮರುಕಳಿಸುವ ಸಂಭವ ತಪ್ಪದು.

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Jameel Aahmed

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Asst General Secretary - ALL INDIA MILLI COUNCIL-Karnataka

Gen Assembly Member - Institute of Objective Studies

STANDARD PRINT MART

Bangalore - Karnataka

INDIA

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